Wednesday, February 27, 2013

British Red Coats from Carolina

Question: Why were these insects important to the British Empire of the 18th century?

Answer: Red dye for their uniforms.

The cochineal (the female in the photo
does not have wings) feeds on cacti and was mostly found in South America, harvested and prepared by Spain. Still, there were some harvested in Carolina (yes, there are cacti in Carolina, especially when you cultivate it), although it was not as highly valued as the Spanish variety, requiring as much as three times as many female cochineals. To get the dye required scalding, drying, and pulverizing 70,000 insects to obtain a single pound of dye. The Spanish were quite adept at cultivating cochineal, having also learned to chemically treat the cochineal dye to create carmine.

A June 1716 entry in the journal of the Board of Trade and Plantations shows that British officials pondered the use of Carolina cochineal versus the Spanish variety:



Carolina.

Trade.

Mr. Gandin.

Patterns scarlet cloth.

Spanish Carolina Cochineal.

Mr. Gandin attending [fo. 64 vide infra], produced to their lordships two patterns of scarlet cloth, the one dyed with a Spanish cochineal, and the other with cochineal from Carolina, the colours appearing equally good, but that it took 3 times the quantity of Carolina cochineal to dye an equal colour with the Spanish. Upon which he said, that the cochineal gathered in Carolina grew wild in the woods, and might without doubt come near to, if not equal any other, were it improved and cultivated in gardens as the Spaniards do; their cochineal being at first no better than this first essay from Carolina.


The British were always looking for ways around the Spanish trade. It had become quite a habit since Elizabethan days. Certainly, the British needed a lot of red dye! 



Friday, February 22, 2013

The Quarrel: Tales from Captain James Wimble's Revenge

Illustration from James Wyatt’s account of Wimble’s Revenge* showing Master at Arms James Parry shooting at Trumpeter James Wyatt
  • Story from the War of Jenkin's Ear (1739-48) privateer Revenge, commanded by James Wimble, born 1697, Hastings, Sussex County, England; came to America circa 1718 for the Caribbean merchant trade; came to Carolina and purchased acreage on Scuppernong Creek on the Roanoke Sound and in the Lower Cape Fear; lived in Boston and owned the Green Dragon Inn; helped to found the town that later became Wilmington, North Carolina, known variously as "New Town," "New Carthage," and "New Liverpool." Afterward, during the War of Jenkins Ear, he turned privateer, leaving the Thames River in London in 1740 to prey on the Spanish.
-------------------------------


The Quarrel  

(continued from First Capture of the Career of Wimble's Revenge)


From: James Wyatt, The Life and Surprizing Adventures of James Wyatt… (London, Eng.: printed and sold by E. Duncomb, in Butcherhall-Lane; T. Taylor, at the Meuse Back-Gate; and E. Cook, at the Royal-Exchange, 1748)


Part of "A True Mapp and Description of the Towne of Plymouth and the Fortifications thereof at the last siege, A. 1643" showing Plymouth Harbor and the Catwater.

...
While our Ship lay at Plymouth, I went to Wenbury to see my Mistress, my Master being dead. She receiv'd me very kindly, and would have had me settled to my Business. I told her at present I could not, because I belong'd to a Privateer that lay at Plymouth, and was oblig'd to return there again in two or three Days. After staying a Day or two with her, the Captain sent for me, and I returned to Plymouth.

When I came to our ship, I found one of our Midshipmen (whose Name I have forgot) was drowned in Catwater *, in endeavouring to swim ashore. He was buried very decently in the new Churchyard, in Plymouth; and those of our Men that made the best Appearance, and which were fore and would not run away, attended at the Funeral. Every one had a Pair of Pistols stuck in his Belt, a Hanger by his Side, and there was Swords cross'd on the Coffin Lid. 



Great Britain’s Coasting Pilot, G. Collins 1693


  • The lower reaches of the River Plym, known as the Cattewater, have been used as an anchorage for ships since at least the medieval period. See: the Cattewater Wreck



"Catwater, Plymouth" [1856] from the collection: The Ports of England

While we lay in Catwater, one Mr. James Parry (sometime Organist of Ross in Herefordshire, and Author of a Book, entitled, Memoirs of the life of Mr. James Parry, &c [1741]) our Master at Arms, having some Words with me, challenged me to fight him at Small Sword. I readily accepted the Challenge; but the next Day, when we were to have gone ashore, the Small Sword was objected against by some of the Ship's Company, as a Weapon that did not belong to the Ship; and therefore it was insisted, if we were resolv'd to fight, it should be with Hanger and Pistol: But Mr. Parry refused to fight me with those Weapons. 



Unknown origin [From: DUELING AND THE 18TH CENTURY SMALL SWORD by Emery Lee]

  • By far, the most common weapon of the 18th century aristocracy was the French Small Sword, a weapon that came into vogue in Europe around the fourth quarter of the 17th Century. The smallsword is instantly recognizable for its hilt, typically featuring an 8-shaped plate, a single short quillon, two small arms (that get progressively smaller in the course of the 18th Century) and a knucklebow. [From: DUELING AND THE 18TH CENTURY SMALL SWORD by Emery Lee]

A few Hours after this Affair was over, I ask'd our Captain, who was then going ashore, if I might go to Plymouth. He told mr, when the Boat return'd, which would be about Half and Hour, I might go. On the Boat's returning, I went into her, but Mr. Parry order'd me to come back, pretending that the Captain had left no Orders for me to go; and order'd the Centry, if I offer'd to put off the Boat, to fire at me, he being the principal Officer at that Time on board.

I took the Boat-Hook, ande push'd off the Boat; upon which the Centry not firing, as Mr. Parry had commanded him, he took the Musquet from him, and immediately fir'd at me, which went through one of the Oars, and took off a Piece of the Rollock. Mr. Parry's firing the Musquet at me so intimidated the Men, that they were afraid to row; but, being resolv'd to go ashore, as I had ask'd Leave of the Captain, I took up the Oars and row'd myself.

When I came ashore, having found the Captain, I acquainted him with what had happen'd, and he assur'd me I should have Satisfaction. In a litle Time the Captain came aboard, and I with him. We immediately went to Mr. Parry's Hammock; but finding him asleep, and very drunk, the Captain desir'd I would take no Notice of it at that Time. When he was up, we tax'd him with it, but he swore he knew nothing of it; and, as he said he was heartily sorry for what we told him he had done, I assur'd him I freely forgave him, and should concern myself no farther about it.

I observ'd before, that I had about Forty Shillings of the Agent; with that money and some I had of my own, I bought an Hundred Weight of Biscuits, and some other Things, which I afterwards sold to good advantage in the Ship.

--------------------


This portion of the tale relates many aspects of mid-18th-century maritime tradition. Impressment of the unwilling to serve on board a ship was problematic when not at sea where the impressed sailors could not escape. Also evident was that they impressed young men or boys readily as older, experienced men were probably more difficult to find.

Although written to "enhance" the gentlmanly qualities of Mr. Wyatt, this story gives us an idea of the propriety of the day… the tendency to strongly feel a slight and redress a wrong, also the just as quick tendency to show Christian charity and forgive. The fact that Wyatt finished his story about the quarrel between him and Parry so quickly to relate the profit he made from his purchases ashore illustrates just how common these quarrels and the violence they evoked must have been.

One interesting note here is also that James Wyatt's 1748 tale was not the only copy to be found. Interestingly enough, James Parry's book mentioned by Wyatt, of 1741, I did find. In that book, he mentions nothing of this adventure, which had not yet happened, of course. Still, in 1770, Parry republished his book… this time with the same tale that Wyatt told, repeated verbatim with the exception that the roles were reversed. This time, in the 1770 version of Parry's, Wyatt shot at HIM in the launch. Whereas, we must believe some literary license took place, it is certainly apparent that Parry plagiarized Wyatt (actually quite common then) and it does not bode well for any future defense of his actions.  :)


A portrait of James Parry from his own 1770 revised book. [James Parry, The true Anti-Pamela: or Memoirs of Mr. James Parry, Late Organist of Ross in Herefordshire…, Vol. 1, 2nd ed. (London : printed for J. Lever, Bookseller. Stationer and Printseller, at Little Moorgace, near Moorfields, 1770), 1. ]












First Capture of the Career of Wimble's Revenge, 1741




James Wyat’s portrait from the frontispiece of his book.  [James Wyatt, The life and surprizing adventures of James Wyatt… (London, Eng.: printed and sold by E. Duncomb, in Butcherhall-Lane; T. Taylor, at the Meuse Back-Gate; and E. Cook, at the Royal-Exchange, 1748), 35.]

From: James Wyatt, The Life and Surprizing Adventures of James Wyatt… (London, Eng.: printed and sold by E. Duncomb, in Butcherhall-Lane; T. Taylor, at the Meuse Back-Gate; and E. Cook, at the Royal-Exchange, 1748)

Kind Reader,

I had never publish'd the following Account of my Life, had it not been at the Desire of Several of my particular Friends. As they had heard (a considerable Time after I enter'd Trumpeter on board the Revenge Privateer) that I was kill'd, with several others, by the Spaniards, in attacking a Bark near the Canary Islands, my returning safe to England surpriz'd them very much, and made them curious to enquire into the Manner of my Deliverance.
 

I therefore being fatig'd with continually relating the Account of our Cruize; our Engagements with the Enemy; my being made Prisoner, &c. resolv'd upon committing it to the Press, that every one might have an Opportunity of perusing it that was inclinable so to do.

As I have hereafter given an Account of the Revenge Privateer's Cruize, I shall speak a Word or two concerning the Officers. Captain [James] Wimble* (who was Commander of the Privateer) was exceeding kind to me; and behav'd, on all Occasions, with a great deal of Courage and Bravery: And all the other Officers behav'd in a Gentleman-like Manner, except one, viz. Mr. James Perry, whose ill Treatment I have mention'd at the Beginning of my Life, who nevertheless I freely forgave long before he was kill'd.
 

  • James Wimble, born 1697, Hastings, Sussex County, England; came to America circa 1718 for the Caribbean merchant trade; came to Carolina and purchased acreage on Scuppernong Creek on the Roanoke Sound and in the Lower Cape Fear; lived in Boston and owned the Green Dragon Inn; helped to found the town that later became Wilmington, North Carolina, known variously as "New Town," "New Carthage," and "New Liverpool." Afterward, during the War of Jenkins Ear, he turned privateer, leaving the Thames River in London in 1740 to prey on the Spanish. 
  • "… his Ship is called the Revenge… burthen of about two hundred Tons… she carries twenty Carriage and forty Swivel guns, one hundred and fifty Men, one hundred and seventy small arms, one hundred and seventy Cutlasses, thirty Barrels of powder, Sixty rounds of great [grape] shot and about a thousand weight of small… victualed for six Months, has two Suits of Sails, five anchors, five Cables, and about a thousand weight of spare Cordage…" --- From: James Wimble, “For Thomas Corbett Esq., Secretary of ye Admiralty,” Great Britain, British Public Record Office, National Archives, ADM.1./3878, copy at North Carolina Department of Archives and History (72.1713.2). ---

I have one Thing more to mention; and that is, To assure the Reader that I have inserted nothing in the Account of my Life, but what, to the best of my knowledge, is true: And therefore, though you should hereafter meet with some Things which may seem strange and surprizing; nay, almost incredible, yet you may be assur'd that they are true, and as such safely relate them to others…
---------------


The tale:

When I came to Plymouth, I happen'd to come in Company with one Mr. James Churchill, who had a Puppet-Show in the Town; and who promis'd me, if I would go with him, he would teach me the Trumpet.

Being now a little weary of the Sea, and having a great Desire to learn on that Instrument, I agreed to go with him. I travell'd with him. I travell'd with him four Years in England, during which Time I learn'd the Trumpet, and some other Musick.

After I left Mr. Churchill, I follow'd my Business of Woolcombing and Dying three Years, at Trowbridge in Wiltshire, near Bath; during which Time I married, and liv'd very well: But Mr. Motet coming into the Town with his Collection of wild Beasts, and wanting a Trumpeter, I agreed to go with him, and travell'd near four Years with him in that Capacity.

It would be needless to give an Account of the several Towns I travell'd through in England, as they are generaly well known, and Books almost every where to be had which describe them: And, as to myself, nothing very extraordinary happen'd. I shall therefore proceed to the chief Thing I intended, viz. to give a particular Account of every Thing that occurr'd worthy of Notice, from my going on board the Revenge Privateer, to my returning to England, and I believe the Reader will not think the Time ill spent in perusing it.

After I left Mr. Moret, I enter'd as a Trumpeter on board the Revenge Privateer, Capt. James Wimble Commander, on the Twenty-ninth of May 1741, who was going on a Cruize against the Spaniards.

On the Second of July we left the Hope, and the same Day pass'd through the Downs, Drums beating, Trumpets sounding, and Colours flying. At Deal we set our Agent ashore, and saluted him with seven Guns; but a Man of War lying in the Downs return'd the Salute with five, thinking it was intended as a Compliment to him.




1783 Map of Kent made by Emanuel Bowen showing its relationship to East Sussex and London.  Also shows the location of the “Downs” and Dover.  Deal, where James Wimble's brother Thomas lived in the 1740s, can be seen to far right.  Greenwich and Woolwich Royal Navy Yards is located on the Thames, on the approach to London and within the jurisdictional area of Kent as well.

The Third of July we went into Hastings. Here the Captain went ashore to see some of his Friends, whom he brought on board a short Time after. While they were on board making merry, the Captain discover'd a Sail, and order'd us to give her Chace. We made all the Sail we could, and in about an Hour came up with her. We fir'd twice at her before she would bring to, which made us imagine she would prove a Prize, but we afterwards found her to be a French Fishing-Boat, with twenty-four Hands on board. After examining her, and finding no Fire-Arms, or prohibited Goods on board, we discharg'd her, not at that Time being at War with France.


"Hastings from the Shore" by

Joseph Mallord William Turner, Hastings from the Sea ('Hastings, Deep Sea Fishing') 1818 © The British Museum


The Ninth of July we saw three Sail off the Coast of France. We gave them Chace, and after some Time came up with two of them. They prov'd to be French Vessels, laden with Salt. One of the Captains told our Lieutenant, who was sent on board him in order to search his Vessel, that he had spoke with the third Sail, which we saw to the Leeward; that she came from Malaga; and that she was laden with Spanish Goods.

Upon this Information we immediately gave her Chace; and, though she made all the Sail she could from us, yet in about three or four Hours we came up with her, she being but an indifferent Sailer. We fir'd four Times at her. She had made every Thing ready to fight us, but seeing the Number of our Hands (which were an Hundred in all, though three parts of them were Boys) she at length brought to. We brought the Captain and Mate on board our Ship, and put twelve of our Men on board theirs, one of which was the Master, and our Captain gave him Orders to carry her into Plymouth.

When the Mate of the Ship we had taken came on board our Ship, and saw how poorly we were mann'd, he said, had he known it before, the Ship should not have been carried into Plymouth by us; upon which we imagin'd she would prove a good Prize.



Catte Water, Plymouth, Devon, c1880 (Dave Upton Photography)




The Tenth of July we got safe into Catwater, pass'd by the Hastings Man of War in the Sound, and saluted the Fort at Ten o'Clock at Night; but the Salute was not return'd, it being too late.

On the Eleventh of July Mr. William Warren*, our Second Lieutenant, was sent Express to London, in order to acquaint the Owners with our Success. He return'd to Plymouth in about eight or ten Days, and brought Mr. Parker, our Chief Agent, with him. When they came, our Lieutenant told us, he was sure she would prove a good Prize. In searching the Ship we had taken, we found several Things that were not in her Bills of Lading, particularly two Casks of Camphire: And while we stay'd at Plymouth, which was about three weeks, we search'd the Ship continually to see what we could find.

  • 2nd Lieut. William Warren was referred to as "2nd Lieut. William Richardson" in the transcript of a Rhode Island trial for another prize ship taken in America by Revenge.

The Agent brought with him from London about Three Hundred Pounds, which he lent to those of the Ship's Company whom he judg'd most deserving, of which I had about Forty Shillings.*

  • £300 = $1175 = $50,000 (in 1993 U.S. dollars); Wyatt's part of 40 shillings is roughly $85 (in 1993 U.S. dollars): "We convert colonial currency to pounds sterling and pounds sterling to dollars at the "standard 17th and 18th century rate" (developed by Sir Isaac Newton in 1704) of 4s,6d "sterling" per dollar (or 0.255 pounds = 1 dollar), and $4.44 18th century dollars = 1 pound "sterling." From: http://www.continentalline.org/articles/9602/960203.htm

Tuesday, February 19, 2013

Testimony of Ignatius Pell in the Tryal of "Gentleman Pyrate" Stede Bonnet

Major Stede Bonnet, British pirate (Later known as Capt Thomas and Edwards) was a retired army major, leading a peaceable and prosperous life on Barbados before deciding to turn to pirating. 


The reason why he turned buccaneer is not clear, but Capt Charles Johnson says those who knew him "believed that his humour of going a pyrating proceeded from a disorder in his mind which had been but too visible in him some time before his wicked undertaking; and which is said to have been occassioned by some discomforts he found in a married state. Be that as it may, the major was ill qualified for the business, as not understanding maritime affairs.

He bought a ship and hired a crew to take to the sea. Being only mildly successful, he ran into Edward Teach (Blackbeard) at Carolina in 1718, who took over his ship. He acted as a layabout on Teach's ship while a new captain (Richards) took over his ship and crew. 


At Topsail inlet, Teach broke up his company and parted company with Bonnet (probably to get rid of him), taking a king's pardon, which he urged Bonnet to do. Bonnet got his ship back and sailed off to claim the pardon. He hoped to sail to St Thomas, to claim a privateering commission against the Spanish, as war had recently been declared again. Returning to Topsail Inlet, he found Teach gone with the plunder, and rescued a number of men marooned by Teach. Hearing of Teach's location, he set off to seek revenge on him, but the two pirates were to never meet again.

Major Stede Bonnet, aka the "Gentleman" pirate was captured after a relatively short pirating career by Col. William Rhett of Charles Town, South Carolina in August 1718, just a few months after splitting from Blackbeard's fleet and only a few months before Blackbeard was killed by Lieutenant Robert Maynard of the Royal Navy.  


Bonnet stopped in a lonely, uninhabited Cape Fear River to careen and repair his ship, the Royal James when Rhett came looking for him, armed with a warrant from South Carolina governor Robert Johnson.  


Bonnet remained in the Cape Fear River for the next 45 days. According to Bonnet's boatswain, Ignatius Pell (whose testimony appears below), the pirates intended to wait out the hurricane season there.


It was a bad way to be caught unawares.  The two ships engaged and fought in what has become known as the Battle of Cape Fear (1718).  Brunswick Town was founded there in 1726 and became the first English town on the river since 1665.  The tiny hamlet that became Wilmington developed seven years later about thirteen miles upriver from there. 

The actual transcript of Bonnet's trial held in Charles Town on 10 November 1718 is available and provides a wonderful impression of a pirate's life on the sea and a rare glimpse into the wilderness of the Lower Cape Fear.  Blackbeard died just twelve days later.  

Here presented is the part of the trial transcript that includes Bonnet's boatswain, Ignatius Pell's testimony who turned crown evidence and was pardoned.  I have left the writing and spelling exactly as it was printed in the transcript published in 1719 by Benjamin Crowse in London... with one exception.   You will not have to bother with the 18th century "s" that looks like an "f."  


General description from the transcript:
 

Stede Bonnet from A General History of the Pyrates
Then Richard Allin Efq-, Attorney-General, spake as followeth:

'Tis probable Faughan the Pirate, before Things could be got in readiness, might have some Intimation of our Design, and made his way off the Coast, tho all possible Care was taken to prevent it. However, Col. William Rhett and the rest of the Gentlemen were resolv'd not to return without doing some Service to their Country, and therefore went in quest of a Pirate they had heard lay at Cape Fear. About the latter end of September they came up with, and engaged them: The Fight lasted above six Hours, and the Pirates were forced to surrender, tho the Colonel's Vessel running a-ground, lay under all the Disadvantages in the world, as you are all sensible.

The Piratical Crew at the Bar, and now to be tried, in the Engagement, killed ten or eleven of our Men on the spot, and wounded about eighteen, several of which died since they came ashore here.

This Pirate-Sloop was commanded by that noted Pirate Major Stede Bonnet, and formerly called the Revenge, now the Royal James, and was one of those very Sloops that lay off the Harbour of Charles-Town about May last, when they took Mr. Wragg Prisoner, and sent up their insolent Demands to the Governor, as I have mentioned before.


And now. Gentlemen of the Jury, I must remind you of your Duty on this occasion.  You are bound by your Oaths, and are obliged to act according to the Dictates of your Consciences, to go according to the Evidence that shall be produced against the Prisoners, without Favour or Affection, Pity or Partiality to anyone of them, if they appear to be guilty of those Crimes they are charged with. And you are not allowed a latitude of giving in your Verdict according to Will and Humour.

I am forry to hear some Expressions drop from private Persons, (I hope there is none of them upon the Jury) in favour of the Pirates, and particularly of Bonnet i that he is a Gentleman, a Man of Honour, a Man of Fortune, and one that has had a liberal Education.  Alas, Gentlemen, all these Qualifications are but several Aggravations of his Crimes. How can a Man be said to be a Man of Honour, that has lost all Sense of Honour and Humanity, that is become an Enemy of Mankind, and given himself up to plunder and destroy his Fellow-Creatures, a common Robber, and a Pirate?


...
We shall call the Evidence, and prove the Facts fully and clearly upon them.  Take notice. Gentlemen, that the boarding, breaking, and entry of one, if the rest were present and consenting, is the boarding, breaking, and entry of all the rest.

We shall prove, that all the Prisoners at the Bar were at the taking of Manwareing's Sloop, that they all bore Arms, and that they all shared a few days before they came to Cape Fear: and if so, we doubt not but you'll find them Guilty, and discharge that Duty the Country expects from you.


1708 Moll Map showing Charles Town, SC and Cape Fear River

Testimony of Ignatius Pell


We shall now call our Witnesses, who will relate to you what enormous and horrid Crimes the Prisoners at the Bar have committed in the Prosecution of the Fact laid in the Indictment.

Clerk Call Ignatius Pell, the Boatswain, who appear'd, and was sworn.

Mr. [Thomas] Hepworth. Do you know the Prisoners at the Bar ?
Ig. Pell. I know them all very well

Mr. Hepworth. Please to give the Court an Account what Vessels were taken after you came from North Carolina.
Ig. Pell. I shall begin before that time. We came from the Bay of Honduras, and from thence to Providence, after which we took several Vessels, and then we came and lay off this Bar, where we took five Vessels.

Judge [Nicholas] Trott. Did all the Prisoners come from the Bay of Honduras ?
Ig. Pell. All except Robert Tucker, he came out of a Sloop belonging to Bermuda; after that we took a Brigantine, out of which we took fourteen Negroes. After we had discharged the Brigantine, we set fail and went to Topsail Inlet at North Carolina, where the Ship was run ashore and lost, which Thatch caused to be done. After we had been there some time, Capt. Thatch came aboard, and demanded all our Arms, and took our best Hands, and all our Provision, and all that we had, and left us.




1733 Moseley Map showing Cape Fear and Topsail Inlet (top right)

Attor. Gen. Were all these Men sent aboard of Major Bonnet immediately, or no ?
Ig. Pell. No, Sir, they were put ashore upon an Island.

J. Trott. How came they on board the Revenge ?
Ig. Pell. The Boat was sent off to fetch them aboard. Pris. Maj. Bonnet came with the Boat, and told us, as we were on a Marroon Island, that he was going to St. Thomas's to get a Commission from the Emperor to go against the Spaniards a Privateering, and we might go with him, or continue there : so we having nothing left, was willing to go with him.

Attor.Gen. You say all were on shore, and all might have gone up into the Country, pray what Constraints were any of you under ?
Ign. Pell. Sir, none; when we left Topsail-Inlet, it was with a Design to go to St. Thomas's for the Emperor's Commission to go against the Spaniards; but the first Vessel we saw, we gave Chace to, and came up with her.

Mr. Hepworth. What did you take out of that Vessel ?
Ign. Pell. We took some Provisions out of her. After we bad discharged her, we saw another, which we chaced and took.

Attor.Gen. Were all these Men aboard and in Arms at the same time ?
Ign. Pell. Yes, Sir, all was in Arms: So after we had taken some Provisions out of her, then we discharged her. Next Day we saw two Sloops bound to Bermuda, which we took. The next Day we gave Chace to another, and about Seven or Eight of the clock we came up with them.


Judge Trott. I suppose you were always ready for an Engagement; so that they had their Arms always in Order.
Ign. Pell. I know nothing to the contrary.

Judge Trott. Was Tucker there in particular ?
Ign. Pell. He was, to be sure.

Judge Trott. Go on. . .
Ign. Pell. Then we gave Chace to a Ship bound and we came up with her, in which was some Negroes. We left three Negroes on board, and two White-Men, and sent three Hands from the Revenge: But we seeing two Sloops more, we stood after them, and the other turn'd Tail, and we never saw them more: So we came up with the Sloop, out of which we took thirty Barrels of Beef, and some Butter, and other Provision.

Mr. Hepworth. What did you return in the room of these Goods ?
Ign. Pell. Some Molasses that we had on board Maj. Bonnet's Sleep, after we had discharged
these Sloops. Next Day we took a Ship, and a Scooner, which Major Bonnet took with him.

Mr. Hepworth. Did you take no Plunder out of those ?
Ign. Pell. The chief was Provisions. Then we sailed in company; and the next Day we came to the Capes of Virginia where we met with two Vessels bound for Glasgow in Scotland out of which we took Provisions, and some Tobacco. And after we had discharged them, we sailed for Cape James and after we had been at Anchor some time, we saw a Sloop, which was Captain Manwareing: We let down our Dory, and sent some Hands on Board; and in a little time after they came on board the Revenge with Captain Manwareing.

Attorn. Gen. Were all the Prisoners on board Manwareings Sloop; or had they all their Arms ready when Manwareing was taken?
Ign. Pell. I cannot fay that they were all on board, but they had all their Arms ready.

Judge Trott. Did they all appear forward and alive?  Did none of them show themselves
dissatisfied or unwilling to act at that time?
Ign. Pell. No, I don't know but one was as forward and as willing to act as the other; all of them had their Arms ready.

Judge Trott. Well, how did you proceed after Captain Manwareing was taken ?
Ign. Pell. Next Day we haled the Scooner, a long-side of Captain Manwareing’s Sloop, and hoisted out several Hogsheads of Molasses, and put on board the Scooner.

Mr. Hepworth. What became of the Scooner afterwards?
Ign. Pell. After we put Reeve’s Wife on board, and Captain Read's Son, and we sent them on shore.

Attorn. Gen. How long was Capt. Manwareing a Prisoner ?
Ign. Pell. About ten Weeks.

Attorn. Gen. Was not there more Goods taken out of Manwareing’s Sloop ? What became of them? Did you not share them ?
Ign. Pell. Yes, we shared a little before we came to Cape Fear.

Attorn. Gen. Did all the Prisoners at the Bar receive their Shares ?
Ign. Pell. Yes, Sir, I know nothing to the contrary.

Judge Trott. They did not refuse their Shares, none of them, did they ?
Ign. Pell. No.

Clerk Have any of you any Questions to ask the King's Evidence? Robert Tucker have you any?
Prisoner. No, Sir.

Clerk. Edward Robinson, have you ?
Prisoner. No, Sir.

Mr. Hepworth. May it please your Honours, we will proceed to call another Evidence. 


Monday, February 18, 2013

Edward Moseley: Impressions of the Albemarle

1708/9 Map of the Albemarle by Edward Moseley


Edward Moseley may have been a controversial conservative politician in North Carolina at a time when any educated "gentleman" might get away with anything, but one thing's for certain... he was a well-educated surveyor as well.  

The image here is of a map of the Albemarle or Roanoke Sound region in North Carolina that Moseley produced not long after his arrival in April 1704 from Charleston.  He worked there after arriving from London around 1700 as a court clerk for Gov. James Moore and as a librarian for Dr. Thomas Bray and the Society for the Propagation of the Gospel in Foreign Parts (SPG).  The SPG (founded in 1701 by the Archbishop of Canterbury Thomas Tenison) was a religious wing of the Anglican state church whose mission since the Vestry Act of 1703 was to restore the Church of England in the colonies and rid them of dissenters.  Like today's class struggles, rich planters of the Albemarle supported this, but the common people of Albemarle, used to a more egalitarian freedom, certainly did not.  As historian Noeleen McIlveena writes "A detailed narrative of the conflicts in Albemarle illustrates the tangible strategies southern planters adopted to counter resistance and to fortify their wealth and privilege."  

Planters ideals of a slave society clashed with those found in the Albemarle's egalitarianism, "who battled the expansionistic slave society" that invaded the South, mostly from Barbados planters.  From McIlveena's point of view, the period 1660-1713 was a "tale of almost continual struggle" between conservative and liberal (somewhat analogous to Tory and Whig) forces in the colony.  John Culpepper, John Gibbs, and even a Lord Proprietor, Seth Sothel fomented rebellions in North Carolina... all hampered its development throughout this period.  Government proceedings were generally held in personal homes on the frontier because the money for public facilities never materialized.  The reason that McIlveena's book stopped at 1713 was because the Tuscarora War became a turning point for political affairs in the colony.  That required another book.  At that time, a major impediment to colonial expansion (big bucks for the British) was essentially eliminated... the Indian.  Afterwards, Tories (as large, wealthy families) and the SPG (established Anglican arm of government) drove home the message of the Vestry Act and conservatism entrenched itself in the colony.  

For the most part, conservatives won the battle, driving Quakers and other dissidents into the background.  Still, a powerful liberal force developed in Britain within a couple of decades and the repression calmed a bit... only a bit.  Unfortunately for the egalitarian folks, Moseley and his "Family" syndicate stuck around in the Lower Cape Fear, fought in the Revolution, became governors and other officials (as well as ex-Confederate soldiers) and tried to take over Wilmington at gunpoint in 1898... generally caused a lot more trouble...  AND took over colonial and state politics.  These guys wrote a slightly different version of our history, too.  Here's another blog entry that goes into this aspect.

I'm sure that you've probably noticed our peculiar conservative trend... lol

It was into this early ungovernable maelstrom that Edward Moseley originally came, proud but penniless, to build his fortunes in Carolina.  He was born in 1682 in St Giles, Cripplegate parish of London, raised in an orphanage because his father, John, died while he was a boy... a really nice orphanage, however, for wealthy orphans... with a superb education at the Royal Mathematical School as one of Christ's Hospital's "Blue-boys," referring to the long blue coats worn by the students.  He studied navigation from lessons provided by Isaac Newton himself!  Meant to be apprenticed to mariner Jacob Foreland for three years on the trade to Bilbao, Spain, rich friends, instead, bought out his apprenticeship in 1697 and he came to Carolina soon after... maybe with James Moore himself... who may also have toted John Lawson on his first trip to America in 1700.  Imagine the two surveyors together on a long sea voyage... maybe that's what turned them against each other.  :)  Thus, North Carolina gained much... and suffered greatly by his influence.  It's a matter of opinion... depending on your political slant.

I still think that Moseley might have been the reason that Lawson left Charles Town so early to explore Carolina, finally to arrive at his historical destination in Bath County, North Carolina.  :)

Nonetheless, we know much of North Carolina's early history due to Moseley's early presence here... and his maps!  One of these maps has been recently discovered (re-found) by the Lambeth Palace Library and printed in their publication in 2010.  A professor friend of mine, Dr. Larry Tise, a North Carolina scholar, among many other talents, found this map and brought it to my attention.  

It is now that we have three wonderful impressions of the same area of North Carolina, all drawn by the same individual and representing his various motivations through this period of conflict.  This is worth a study!

The second map available is incomplete as far as the Albemarle region is concerned.  It covers only the area along the Virginia border that Moseley helped to survey (if a shortened trip) in 1728.  In this Boedlian Library version, he lists the habitations of various settlers and locations of Indians.  


1728 Map of the Dividing Line by Edward Moseley
The third map is one more familiar to modern scholars... the 1733 map of fame that informed decades of North Carolinians and their British authorities of the values of settling in this colony.  It may also have gained more wealth for Moseley and his in-laws, as well.  This copy comes from the North Carolina Archives in Raleigh. 


1733 Moseley Map of North Carolina - Albemarle portion

Taking these three maps, I'd like to study this area through Moseley's eyes and through the troubled times in which he lived and worked.  I shall divide this study into a county by county treatment to facilitate detailed views in these maps.  This is part of a larger work that I am doing on Edward Moseley and his Carolina world.  This blog article includes a watered down summary of the section on Chowan Precinct...


Chowan Precinct

The 1708 Map... 
 
1708 Moseley Map of the Albemarle - Chowan Precinct portion
Before Bertie Precinct came along in 1722, Chowan Precinct extended west over the Chowan River, here represented as "Chowanoake."  Settlement here involved a close relationship with three Indian nations: the Meherrin, the Chowanoke, and (more distant) the Tuscarora.  For the most part, these peoples lived on the west bank of the Chowan, having given up or sold their lands to early settlers like Nathaniel Batts or George Durant.

Of note here, the Nottoway River is paired with the name "Weyanoke," a point of contention in the "dividing line affair" when Phillip Ludwell and Nathaniel Harrison made their report.

"Coll. Pollock's" plantation is here on Salmon Creek.   William Duckenfield is just across Salmon Creek from Pollock, on the land that Nicholas Comberford had indicated as "Batt's House" in 1657.  Interestingly enough, this is the same location on which British authorities have lately located a small patch affixed to John White's 1587 watercolor map with a fort drawn beneath it.  That's an interesting find.

The most obvious mistake on this early map is the geographical configuration of the future town of Edenton, at this time, with no name.  Edenton was incorporated in 1715 as "The Towne on Queen Anne's Creek." It was later known as "Ye Towne on Mattercommack Creek" and, yet later as "The Port of Roanoke." It was renamed "Edenton" in 1722 in honor of Governor Charles Eden who had died that year.

In this interpretation, the shore that Edenton rests upon faces almost directly west, when in reality, it faces south.  It is interesting because this is where Moseley lives, denoted on the map by "Sedes Auth."  "Vaile" and "Porter" also refer to various future in-laws, Jeremiah Vail and John Porter.  He should have known this area quite well.  He was still new to Carolina, however.

Ominously, the area of present Edenton is marked as "Coll. Cary," alluding to Thomas Cary of South Carolina, for whom the "Cary Rebellion" was named.  Apparently, he occupied a central location in what would become the seat of government.  It's possible that many already looked at it this way, although meetings were still held in individual plantation homes.  Alluding to its importance, it also tells the location of a church that Moseley had great interest in promoting... the Anglican church of St. Paul's Parish.  At this time, like the future Edenton, the church had not been completely finished.  This was arguably one reason for Moseley's making the map, as well as promoting himself with the SPG.

Moseley sent this map to Britain along with Rev. William Gordon who left North Carolina after only a year in rather a hurry to escape the irreligious nature of the inhabitants.  He wrote in 1709 to John Chamberlain, Secretary of the SPG that:

Chowan is the westernmost, the largest and thinnest seated; they built a church some years ago, but it is small, very sorrily put together, and is ill looked after; and, therefore, I prevailed with them to build another, which they went about when I came away. The plan of it I brought over, and was desired to procure, if possible, from the society, as much glass as will be necessary for the windows, which by computation will amount to 325 feet.

Despite the lackluster opinion, St. Paul's Parish Church, then, owes quite a bit to Rev. Gordon.  Perhaps Moseley had reasoned in 1708 that the SPG would be able to help them pay for certain church supplies and that was his primary motivation... to incur favor with the SPG, perhaps to flatter the Archbishop himself.  That would soon become a forlorn hope. 

Still, the presence of "Coll. Cary" on top of what would become Edenton indicates that Cary was working to take over the government even at the time that this map was made, in 1708.  Do the North Carolina Colonial Records back this up?

As a matter of fact, they do.  Thomas Pollock complained in 1708:

"Notwithstanding which fair election, Mr Moseley not approving of the choice, he with those others being in all but sixty five, would needs name other five by themselves, and Mr Moseley and some others of his party making all the confusion they could in the time of election, and endeavouring to stir up strife and quarrels among the people, which if Col Pollock (being on a plantation of his that joined on the election field) had not hindered and pursuaded the people to keep the peace, would have ended in blows."

So, even as the map made its way across the Atlantic, Moseley stirred up trouble for the very people he made the map for... the SPG! 

In 1709, the Minutes of the Vestry show "Ordered that the way and method of beautifying the Church be left to Descretion of the Church Wardens for the year ensuing Viz enlarging repairing &c" and "Ordered that the Collector of this precinct do collect from each Tythable the sum of two shillings and Nine Pence. which rise sufficient to pay the publick Debts here mentioned and will advance the sum of twelve pounds towards the beautifying of the Chappell over and above the charge of the Collection."  

So, it would appear that the Wardens of the Vestry, of which Moseley belonged, was engaged in this purpose.  Cary, however, changed everything with his coup d’état.

Moseley had joined forces with Cary.  Archbishop of Canterbury Thomas Tenison, who, early in its development, personally presided over meetings of the SPG, apparently thought this map a painful reminder of how Moseley sided with the Quaker faction, or at least the side that the Quakers supported.

Someone may have removed his name from the map... for maps were important tools at this time and Moseley's name may have caused some difficulty after the rebellion.  Then again, a friend of mine suggest that John Lawson may have joined Gordon for the weeks-long trip across the Atlantic and erased it to further his own ambitions.  Even though Moseley had made it, it still helped Tenison to understand the problems there and would have been used by him.  That explains how it was found in some miscellaneous papers of Tenison's regarding the SPG in Lambeth Palace's holdings. 


1708 Moseley map portion showing the bottom line of wording, which contains Moseley's name (beginning), significantly blotted out, yet the lined border around the wording nor any other wording appears largely unaffected.  His name was likely removed to possibly avoid embarrassment after the Cary Rebellion association became understood which immediately followed this map's arrival in London.

The 1728 Map...


1729 Map of the Dividing Line (portion) Chowan Precinct area.



The first major difference noticeable in this map is the extraordinarily different representation that Moseley gives to the Chowan River, which he calls "Chowan" in 1728, instead of "Chowanoake."  After all, Moseley had twenty more years of surveying experience in this colony.  He obviously understood it better than he did in 1708, after only four years of residency.  

On the west bank, he clearly notes a "Nansemond Indian Town" that he also notes five years later on his map of 1733.  He does not indicate the area south of this town, east of the Chowan River, that holds the Meherrin Indian Town and their territory across the river to the west.  

The purpose of mapping the line was, of course, to gain a better understanding of where it lay because of land disputes and an erroneous belief by Virginians that it ran much further south into North Carolina than it actually did.  Moseley adamantly charged that it did not and that the surveys he, as surveyor-general since 1723 and deputy of William Maule before that, had conducted truly lay within his own colony and not that of Virginia.  

As a result can be seen here the variation from the line from Currituck 2'30" from north toward the south to meet with the conjunction of the Nottoway and Chowan Rivers.  Note on this map that "Weyonoake" does not appear since it had been determined that they had left the area and the Nottoway had taken their place.  Here, also, the name of the Chowan changes to "Black Water River."  

As can be seen on Nicholas Comberford's 1657 map, however, "Weyanoke River" and "Blackwater Creek" do indeed meet at that same location.  Weyanoke=Nottoway.  



1657 Comberford Map (portion) showing that Weyanoke River is the Nottoway River.  Even the Weyanoke Town is indicated in the upper right.
A number of settlers just north of the line are indicated here.  A "W. Speight" next to "Speight's land" is indicated by Moseley just inside Virginia.  A 1696 patent to Thomas Speight, son and heir of Captain William Speight, mentions a Chowan deed on Bennett's Creek, indicated here by a road leading southward to it.  The older William Speight held 320 acres south of the dividing line in the northern part of Chowan that later became Gates County, the portion that shows here on Moseley's map.  This land was near present Sunbury, about eight miles SE of the location of "W. Speight" on this map.

This land was surveyed in 1695 by Samuel Swann, the second husband of Elizabeth Lillington, daughter of Alexander Lillington, whose third husband was Maurice Moore.  This made Samuel Swann's children neices and nephews of Edward Moseley after his marriage to Elizabeth's sister Ann Lillington Walker, the wife of Henderson Walker, acting governor of North Carolina when he died in 1704.   

This near-line occurrence may be explained since the Speights lived in Suffolk, Virginia, directly north of Gates County prior to moving to Bennetts Creek.  Still, William was born in Speight's Run, over ten miles north of the dividing line.  

In the deeds of Virginia, we find:

"10 November 1678. William Speight. Patent for 176 A. in Upper Parish of Nanzemond Co., at a place called Barbica; adjoyning Humphrey Griffin, neer the Crosse Swamp, etc. (NugII, pp. 193-194)"


"Cross Swamp" may refer to the lands of "J. Cross," seen on Moseley's map also north of the line.  That Moseley indicated the Speight land running south of the line may be a clue as to Virginia having patented land in North Carolina.  This exonerates Moseley historically for he had successfully satisfied Virginian William Byrd II, who accompanied the surveyors on this expedition:

"It must be owned, the report of those gentlemen was severe upon the then commissioners of North Carolina, and particularly upon Mr. Moseley. I will not take it upon me to say with how much justice they said so many hard things, though it had been fairer play to have given the parties accused a copy of such representation, that they might have answered what they could for themselves.
 

But since that was not done, I must beg leave to say thus much in behalf of Mr. Moseley, that he was not much in the wrong to find fault with the quadrant produced by the surveyors of Virginia, because that instrument placed the mouth of Nottoway river in the latitude of 37 degrees; whereas, by an accurate observation made since, it appears to lie in 36° 30' 30'', so that there was an error of near 30 minutes, either in the instrument or in those who made use of it.
 

Besides, it is evident the mouth of Nottoway river agrees much better with the latitude, wherein the Carolina charter supposed Weyanoke creek, (namely, in or about 36° 30',) than it does with Wicocon creek, which is about fifteen miles more southerly."

The 1733 Map... 

 
1733 Moseley Map of North Carolina (portion) Chowan Precinct

It is very apparent, that by 1733, Edward Moseley had learned a great deal about North Carolina.  This is an interesting map in its own right and I have many theories on why Moseley put it together.  Part of those were personal.  He wanted money, of course, and this map detailed land that was available to newcomers and otherwise potential buyers.  It also served him to make his "surveys," but we'll explore that in a moment. 

Overall, the 1733 map demonstrates that the colony is growing, despite the mutinous nature of its inhabitants.  Tory influence always helps business, at least.  Brunswick Town, Beaufort, Edenton, and Bath Town are new towns developed since 1708.   Wilmington is just then getting started and identified by the notation "Watson" on the east side of the Cape Fear River, across from the thoroughfare, named for the first person to receive a grant there from Burrington, John Watson in 1733 (patented in 1735 due to confusion with the records during the political troubles with the Family).  
Craven, Carteret, Onslow, Edgecombe, Bertie, Hyde, Beaufort, and New Hanover are all new precincts.  Insets show Port Brunswick or Cape Fear Harbour, Port Beaufort or Topsail Inlet, Ocacock (Ocracoke) Inlet, Explanation, and Directions for Ocacock (Ocracoke) Inlet.

Moseley extolls the virtues of North Carolina in the center of the map:

"This Country abounds with Elks & Buffalos at the distance of about 130 miles from the Sea & the whole affords plenty of deer, swine, bever, wild Cows & Horses.  Also Turkeys, partridges and all sort of water-fowl, with abundance of Swans.  The Rivers & Sea Coast are well stored with fish of all kinds, especially Sturgeon. The soil is naturally fertile, producing plenty of Peaches & Plumbs, Apples, Pears, and other delicious fruits and Eatables, without Art or Expense.  Its chief trading produce is Pitch, Tar, Skins, Pork, Indian-Corn, Cedar, Ship-Timber, and Bark."

It made for a great advertisement to encourage settlement in the colony.  Another note at the bottom of the map might interest prospective settlers concerned about safety, especially following the Tuscarora War:

"... nor is there any danger from Indians, none now inhabiting the Sea Coast but about 6, or 8, at Hatteras, who dwell among the English."

Albemarle, specifically, has "Chappels" and Courthouses dotting the map along the roads leading through the various counties/precincts of the Albemarle and along the waterfront areas bordering the Roanoke Sound.  Edenton is clearly marked as a well-formed city.  This map, held by East Carolina University is the only copy of this map in the United States; the other three are all located in England.  The intrepid Dr. Larry Tise of ECU and the University of Pennsylvania has already made a trip to London to see these beauties! 

The interesting history surrounding this copy, found in an attic in Edenton in 1982, surrounds the ascension of the Whig Robert Walpole to position of first minister in Britain, along with his close associates, two Pelham brothers, one Thomas Holles-Pelham, the duke of Newcastle, made Secretary of the Southern Department a few years before the Lords Proprietors decided to sell North Carolina to the crown.  This was officially in July 1729.  After that event, the liberal Whigs in government eschewed the old Tories, including their practices in favor of more efficiency in finance and patronage or favors.  It seems that Tory (actually, wealthy and powerful families) favorites like Charles Town in South Carolina had been far too much trouble for the Crown and they did not want North Carolina following that path.  The SPG's Anglican conversion fervor subsided somewhat and Quakers found themselves feeling more at ease.  What's more, Newcastle attempted to right the wrongs that the Tory, Moseley, and his Anglican South Carolinian "Family" had been perpetrating in the Lower Cape Fear as part of their Brunswick settlement. South Carolina tried to gain a foothold on the Cape Fear River, the only accessible river that North Carolina possessed.  If North Carolina had any hope of competing with other colonies, it was the Cape Fear River.  The Family put that in danger. 

The Brunswick settlement was an autonomous and illegal pseudo-colony along the confused South Carolina border that grew enormously by 1728 through Sir Richard Everard's illegal "blank patents."  During its development, the Family avoided proper land grant procedures, buying and selling property amongst themselves, and confusing the provenance of that property beyond recovery.  They also neglected to pay the rent.  This was the part that probably upset Newcastle the most.  Edward Moseley once again drew accusations that mostly concerned his surveying malpractice:


  • Mr. Lovick, and his two confederates Moseley and Wm. Little, ye Receiver General, to sign many pattents wherein ye number of acres are left blank…
  • … practices by Mr Moseley and his Deputies in returning to the Secretaries office Immaginary Surveys by which his relations hold great quantities of land more than are specified in their patents…
  • [Mr. Lovick] advised Sir Richard to grant no more Patents but by the Artifice and management of Mr Moseley then Surveyor Sir Richard did continue to issue Patents on which the Said Moseley and his Kindred were the most considerable gainers… 
  • Moseley and his Relations have in four or five years time strangely enriched themselves.  
  • Edward Moseley, Surveyor General of the late Lords Proprietors, and his Deputys, more especially Mr. John Ashe [deputy-surveyor in the Lower Cape Fear] etc. had been guilty of many vile frauds, and abuses in surveying ; one of their practices was, to survey without warrants for gratifications… 
  • Moseley when Surveyor did make surveys in his own house, and plotted out land upon paper, with bounds by waters, trees and other signs, and tokens, that he never saw, nor knew anything off, includeing much more then in the returns sett forth, for which patents went out in course. 
  • Moseley in confederacy with some of the Council endavoured to stir up divisions in the Assembly and to prevent it from doing business, hoping thereby to put off any enquiries into the frauds he had been guilty of while Surveyor General etc. 
  • There have been for several years past very corrupt doings in the Secretary's office concerning the lands, transacted by Lovick and Edwd. Moseley, Surveyor Genl. 

All of these accusations found in the North Carolina Colonial Records were probably true.  I have proven some, including the fact that he did not always survey warrants, but drew them from his map, presumably the one he worked on to promote his Family business, the map of 1733.  

He made this map under royal supervision of Governor George Burrington, literally a Scottish "bulldog" placed in the colony to disrupt the schemes of the politically powerful conservative Family.  

Moseley was an old pro when it came to kissing the royal arse and he immediately saw which way the wind was blowing... that might have been Thomas Pelham-Holles, duke of Newcastle, if it had not been for another governor having been commissioned March 27, 1733 to replace the increasingly paranoid Burrington (he thought that Family member Nathaniel Rice wanted to murder him... he probably did).  Newcastle himself did not receive notice until April 5. 

By this time, Moseley's map was on its way to Britain to be engraved by John Cowley.  Moseley could not have known that Burrington was being replaced so quickly.  Still, he must have got word to Cowley to change the dedication to reflect the new dedication to "Gabriel Johnston."  It would be interesting to see the name that was on it before.  I seriously doubt that Moseley would have liked it to have been "George Burrington" after he had voided Family property on the Cape Fear River to establish the port of New Town, later Wilmington, North Carolina.


1733 Moseley Map - cartouche dedicating the map to Gov. Gabriel Johnston

Independent researcher and Moseley map expert, Mike McNamara, had this to say about the map of 1733 in his article, "A New and Correct Map of the Province of North Carolina: The Discovery of a 1737 North Carolina Manuscript Map":

The Moseley map was undoubtedly highly anticipated. In May of 1735, a year and a half before it became available, Charleston, South Carolina printer Lewis Timothy advertised, “New and correct Maps of NORTH-CAROLINA by Edward Mosely [sic], dedicated to His Excellency the present Governor of the said Province, to be sold by the Printer hereto."  Two years later, the map was offered for sale in the Virginia Gazette, described as “very large Map, (being Five Feet long, and Four Feet broad, on Two Sheets of Elephant Paper) it’s not only Useful, but Ornamental, for Gentlemens Halls, Parlours, or Stair-cases”

The only American copy of the Moseley map of 1733 made the rounds.  Gov. Arthur Dobbs, serving North Carolina from 1753-1765 as the sixth royal governor after George Burrington, favored this map so much that he was painted holding it:


Ok... you don't believe me... here:


  What does it say on that map?  This ends the summary of the Chowan part of the map story.  More to come later!