Declaration of Surgeon Jean Rousseau

 Declaration of Surgeon Jean Rousseau

6-gun, 63-man Sea King under Saint-Malo’s Montigny La Palisse - tied to history of Bartholomew Roberts.

On the 21st of October, 1720, there appeared before us in Guadeloupe Mr. Jean Rousseau, Surgeon aboard the ship from Honfleur named the *Bon Pasteur*—Captain Grout, also a burgher—who, having departed from Sainte-Anne (Grande-Terre) on this island and set a course for France, was captured by an English pirate vessel on March 5th of the current year at a latitude of 17 degrees 30 minutes, and was held captive by the said pirate—who was without a surgeon of his own—from the aforementioned 5th of March until the 1st of this month. During the time they were careening their ship at Carriacou [Curacoa], the said Rousseau, wishing to leave them, made several unsuccessful attempts to do so; having been caught during the first attempt, he was bound to a cannon on the said pirate vessel for three days, at the end of which time he was scheduled to have his head smashed in—a sentence that would indeed have been carried out had not a man named Montigny, from Dunkirk (the Captain of the said pirate vessel), untied him and told him to save himself by swimming ashore, which he fortunately managed to do. At the time the deponent was captured aboard the *Bon Pasteur*, the pirates were cruising off the coast of Barbados with a crew numbering only 48 men—all English, including six Negroes. On March 10th, having encountered an English patrol vessel from Barbados, their ship sustained three cannon hits below the waterline and was forced to flee and set sail for the Cape Verde Islands, where they repaired their vessel; subsequently, they set a course for the Grand Banks of Newfoundland, where they encountered a ship from Saint-Malo which they sank, having first rescued the entire crew and sent them back to France aboard another vessel. They also captured or sank—while on the said Grand Banks of Newfoundland—six other ships, both English and French, and plundered nearly two hundred vessels of various nations. Subsequently, having entered the Bay of Despair on the coast of Newfoundland, they detained nineteen English vessels there; of these, they burned the flagship and seized a 24-gun frigate to serve as their own vessel. Upon departing the said Bay, they encountered a ship from Granville named the *Pierre Auguste*, which they seized and exchanged for the vessel they had previously been sailing. They then set sail for Carriacou, and en route, they plundered three English vessels, taking from their crews the number of men they required.

Upon having the present declaration read aloud to him, the said Rousseau affirmed that it contained the truth and that he had nothing to add to or subtract from it, save that—after having reached the island of Carriacou, where he spent the night in the woods—he subsequently boarded a French boat arriving from Tobago, which transported him to Martinique. Executed on the day and in the year hereinbefore stated. Signed: Jean Rousseau. 

Collated against the original, which is in our possession. 

De Pas Fequieres Benard

Letter of William Hamilton to M. de la Verenne Concerning Pirates

Antoine d'Arcy, Lord of La Varenne, born around 1656 and died in Toulon on March 27, 1732, was a French naval officer and colonial administrator of the 17th and 18th centuries. A former naval captain, he served briefly as Governor of Martinique (January 7–May 23, 1717).

William Hamilton, governor of the Leeward Islands, 1715-1721

Likely concerns Samuel Bellamy... 

Mr. de la Varenne

at Martinique, March 15, 1717

Excerpt from the intelligence I received concerning the pirates destroyed by Mr. Hume, Commander of *His Majesty's Ship Scarborough*.

On January 6th (Old Style), the said Captain Hume set sail from Antigua in pursuit of the pirates. We received word that, while in a harbor on the island of St. Croix, he had encountered a vessel carrying ninety men. This vessel—which had been sailing upwind from St. Thomas—had previously encountered a slaver ship, captured it, and brought it back to a harbor at St. Thomas. There, they encountered a small boat commanded by a Mr. Middleton—a resident of St. Kitts or one of the other small islands—whom they detained. They compelled the master of the said boat to pilot them into a harbor at St. Croix, intending to refit the vessel for their own use; furthermore, they forced Mr. Middleton to serve them—as he was both a carpenter and a pilot—promising him ten enslaved people as a reward if he exerted every possible effort. However, no sooner had the said boat been repaired and careened than Mr. Hume fortunately arrived in the harbor. Realizing they could not save their ship and boats, the pirates scuttled their vessels in the waters between our ship and theirs; they then retreated to their own ship—taking aboard as many men as they could—while the remainder boarded the boat belonging to Mr. Middleton. Under cover of darkness, and drawing very little water, this boat successfully slipped out of the harbor. As for those who had boarded their own ship, they set it ablaze and blew it up; from this, we surmise that almost all of them perished in the blast, though we cannot be certain of the exact number. You may rest assured, Sir, that this news is true, as several persons have confirmed to me—including Mr. Middleton, with whom I spoke following this engagement, and who made his escape aboard our vessel before the pirate ship blew up. We have no information regarding the number of Negroes they had aboard their vessel, nor whence it came, whither it was bound, or to which nation it belonged.

Signed, [William] Hamilton.

Letter from Robert Lowther to M. de la Varenne at Martinique Concerning Pirates

Antoine d'Arcy, Lord of La Varenne, born around 1656 and died in Toulon on March 27, 1732, was a French naval officer and colonial administrator of the 17th and 18th centuries.

A former naval captain, he served briefly as Governor of Martinique (January 7–May 23, 1717).

---------

Colonies M. de la Varenne

At Fort Royal, Martinique, March 15, 1717

I have the honor to inform the Council that Mr. Lowther, Governor of Barbados—who writes to me from time to time—inquires in his latest letter whether the King's frigates I was expecting from France have arrived, so that we may jointly take measures to destroy the pirates who are ravaging the entire coastlines of the islands belonging to both Crowns, by dispatching our vessels simultaneously to various locations. He further advises me that, during the final days of February, a 36-gun frigate belonging to the King of England arrived in Barbados from London, accompanied by a newly constructed 18-gun brigantine and a large 8-gun sloop. He states that these vessels are to be deployed in such a manner that they hope to capture some of the pirates and strike terror into the others. He adds that he is expecting, any day now, the frigate *Scarborough*—a 40-gun vessel that has long served as a guard ship for the English islands—and that he will dispatch her again as soon as she has taken on provisions. Reports reach us from all quarters that the pirates are committing boundless depredations, having captured several English and French ships, as well as other vessels of various nations. As I see no sign of the ship from La Rochelle—which was supposed to follow us closely to deliver flour and bales of clothing for our soldiers—I greatly fear that it may have been captured by them; consequently, our soldiers are bound to suffer considerably. Nothing is more imperative than to dispatch, without delay, the frigate and the longboat I have requested, ensuring they are well-armed, for the pirates possess large crews and are a courageous lot.

Mr. Hamilton has also recently written to me from Antigua in much the same vein as Mr. Lowther; attached hereto is an excerpt of the intelligence he sent me, translated from English into French.

La Varenne

https://recherche-anom.culture.gouv.fr/ark:/61561/zn401awwuuo/daogrp/0/1/idsearch:RECH_ec4d3dfb31a7848aedd633a5ab3dc3d7?id=https%3A%2F%2Frecherche-anom.culture.gouv.fr%2Fark%3A%2F61561%2Fzn401awwuuo%2Fcanvas%2F0%2F1

Deposition: Bad Practice of English Trading in the French Isles

 Deposition: The *St. André de Nantes* (200 tons)

On the said day, March 10 [1718]

(source: Rapports des capitaines à l'Amirauté de Nantes, Les Archives départementales de Loire Atlantique, B4578, 53-54.

Appeared before us Douin Bellot, Master of a ship named the *St. André de Nantes*, of a burthen of 200 tons or thereabouts, belonging to Mr. De la Brouillere, armed with 4 cannons and manned by a crew of 31 men; having taken his oath, he promised and swore to speak the truth, and he stated and declared to us that the said vessel, having been loaded with lawful merchandise bound for the French Islands of the Americas and being duly furnished with the necessary clearances for such a voyage, departed from the lower reaches of this river on January 2nd. It arrived safely and soundly at Les Saintes and Guadeloupe, having anchored on March 17th; there, he discharged his outward cargo at Les Saintes and Guadeloupe itself. In that same place, he loaded his return cargo—partly on freight terms for the account of the owners of the said ship—consisting of four hundred and twenty-two barrels, forty-two quarter-casks, and two tierces of rice; one hundred and forty-seven barrels and nine quarter-casks of brown sugar; nineteen bales of cotton; thirteen barrels of preserves; one barrel of spoons; and 30 thousand-weight of ginger. Following the loading of this cargo, he departed from Guadeloupe on November 13th [heading north toward Thache, then en route to Martinque] to return to this river—the place of his original departure. During the crossing, he encountered much foul weather and several heavy seas, leading him to fear that his merchandise may have been damaged; he therefore enters this protestation regarding any consequent damages, noting that the vessel sustained no structural damage, save for the breaking of two of its spars aloft. Furthermore, he states that he was forced to put in at La Jana on January 27th last due to contrary winds, from which port he departed on the following February 1st, bound for this roadstead, where he arrived yesterday, with all members of his crew safe and sound, with the exception... ...of Guillaume Arnel de St. Nicholas, who died at sea on January 5, 1718. Furthermore, regarding the monies owed to him, Marc Marchand—a sailor—and Jean Le Bris, a resident of Cayenne, state and declare that they have seen and encountered an English captain named Dimbard, who had two vessels with him laden with merchandise and trading along the coast of the said island of Guadeloupe, and even further to the south, specifically in the quarters of Jacques and Longue-Durée. These activities cause considerable harm to French commerce, inasmuch as the inhabitants pay these traders in cash, whereas within the national trading system, they pay only what they choose to pay. They further declare having seen several other English vessels along the said coast, and even the captains of said vessels ashore, trading freely. Regarding pirates, they state that they know nothing other than what they have heard by hearsay—rumors [perhaps of Edward Thache's recent capture of la Concorde 28 Nov 1717?] unworthy of serious consideration. This is their declaration; having had it read back to them, they swore that it was written down and recorded as the absolute truth. They signed below and presented the discharge papers for the indentured servants and buccaneers mentioned therein, dated November 9, 1718, at the League of Du Saussois; they retained the original documents and submitted copies thereof.

D. Bellot   Deronseray

Deposition: French Battle the Weather, Spanish, English, and Pirates!

 *La Fidélité de Nantes*, arriving from Léogâne — 150 tons

Dated the 13th of October

Appearing before the Gentlemen Lieutenant-General on Duty:

(source: Rapports des capitaines à l'Amirauté de Nantes, Les Archives départementales de Loire Atlantique, B4578, 10-12.

Appeared Mr. Louis Drouin, Master of the vessel named *La Fidélité de Nantes*, of one hundred and fifty tons or thereabouts; having administered the oath to him, he promised and swore to speak the truth. He stated and declared to us that the said vessel, having been laden with merchandise permitted by Mr. Montaudouin—a merchant of this city and charterer of the said ship—and being furnished with all the necessary papers for the voyage from Saint-Domingue to the French Islands of the Americas, the said Mr. Drouin declares that he departed from the lower reaches of this river on the 27th of December 1716 to undertake the said voyage. On the following 28th of January, the deponent sighted the island of Saint-Domingue at approximately 8 o'clock in the morning; and on the following day, the 29th, at 4 o'clock in the evening, he sighted the Île de la Tortue. At approximately 8 or 9 o'clock that evening—while abreast of the said island and two leagues offshore—he encountered, for a period of four hours, conditions indicating squalls and foul weather. Consequently, having ordered the sails to be reefed, the wind shifted suddenly to the northwest with great violence, accompanied by rain and thunder; he was therefore obliged to heave to. At approximately 1 o'clock [in the morning], the wind shifted to the north with equal fury; the winds subsequently veered around the entire compass and increased in intensity, and the sea became furious and terrifying. On the following day, the 30th, no land was in sight—due both to a very thick fog and to the foul weather that continued unabated. He had the misfortune to drift toward the island of Cuba due to the swiftness of the currents, which carried him westward; on the 31st—the mist having cleared around 8 o'clock in the morning—he sighted very low-lying land. Realizing he had drifted to leeward, he hauled his vessel closer to the wind in an attempt to work clear; however, having taken an altitude reading which placed him at 22 degrees North latitude, he concluded that he was within the Old Bahama Channel—the passage lying between Cuba and the shoals known as *Los Placeres*. This conclusion was reinforced by the fact that, after tacking for four or five hours, he observed by the bearings of the land that—far from making any headway—the currents were actually carrying him further to the west. This observation determined him to bear away and run directly through the said channel. On that same day, he sighted a ship astern of him—a vessel out of the Canaries bound for Havana—which confirmed to him that he was indeed within the said channel. Having kept company with the other vessel for a time, they parted ways on the morning of February 3rd, between 6 and 7 o'clock: he himself steered toward Matanzas, while the other vessel set a course to the west-northwest to coast along the shoreline there of Florida

...and, in order to navigate more easily during the evenings, [we sailed] in sight of the Martyrs [Reefs], intending to round them by passing to the north of the vessels [anchored there]; on the 4th of the said month—after having tacked several times to windward to gain ground—we stood inshore to round Florida, passing to the north of the shoals. Between 4 and 5 o'clock in the morning, we encountered the ship *La Sainte-Aimée* of Saint-Malo, commanded by Captain Poitevin; having spoken with him and set our course to the northeast-by-east, we sighted land again around 6 o'clock that evening, bearing North-Northeast at a distance of more than six leagues. As the winds had diminished considerably—making it difficult to hold our course close to the wind—the declarant's ship passed the Matanzas Inlet, situated just to the north of the aforementioned Martyrs.

At between eight and nine o'clock that evening—the winds having abated somewhat—they were driven westward onto a cay, where they ran aground in five feet of water, two leagues offshore from the coast of Florida. Thereupon, the deponent immediately launched his small boat to take soundings and determine whether the water was deep enough to allow the vessel to be refloated; meanwhile, the crew furled and secured the sails, and lowered the yards and topmasts.

However, the men who had boarded the said canoe—instead of executing the order given to them by the deponent—cowardly abandoned the said ship (which they had lost sight of, and to which they did not return until it was once again afloat). Upon their return, the deponent states that the Sieur des Martiers (Second Captain) and Joseph Bucoy (Pilot)—who had boarded the said canoe—were compelled by the crew of the said canoe (as well as by others who had boarded under cover of night and amidst the ensuing confusion—including François Sauveive, Baptiste Gaspard Bossemay, Joseph Ignard, and Thomas Renaut, sailors) to row toward the ship *Sainte-Anne*. This vessel, belonging to the deponent, was then situated only about half a league away; however, the said Sieur Portevin (Captain) was far from offering them asylum aboard his ship—instead branding them as cowards and deserters, and ordering that fire be opened upon them, thereby forcing them to retreat. Yet, instead of returning to the deponent's ship, they took refuge aboard an English boat they encountered. Meanwhile, the deponent ordered the longboat to be launched to compensate for the loss of the said canoe; however, it was discovered that the said longboat was taking on water through three seams on each side, which had not been properly caulked.

...restored to their proper state—though I was unable to heel the vessel over, as she was lodged against the rocks—which obliged the deponent to have her re-floated so she might be promptly recaulked. This, however, could not be accomplished until after a considerable delay, during which time the crew had diligently managed the ship, which remained aground on the said reef. Consequently, the deponent—together with his other officers—resolved to wait for daylight before attempting to move the entire vessel to deeper water. Throughout the night, he remained on watch—and ensured others did the same—guarding the said longboat while it lay alongside, with six armed musketeers posted on the gunwales and other crew members stationed at their posts, ready to fire, and the cannons loaded with grapeshot in readiness for a second boarding attempt. At the break of day, the deponent had André de Mesorit—the ship's Master—board the longboat to take soundings around the vessel. After doing so, the Master reported that, given the ship was resting on the highest point of the reef, it would be more expedient to carry the anchor forward than to carry it astern, as this would require dragging it over a shorter distance.

The said vessel, having on board various cables, was—after being violently swung around off Cap Bas—subjected to continuous heavy seas until noon; indeed, at 2:00 PM, the declarants—namely Lieutenant Dangoise and Master Dunesquil—found themselves in a critical situation. As the said vessel was in distress and offered no means of relief under the prevailing circumstances, they were compelled—in order to facilitate a more prompt resolution, both to clear the decks and to lighten the load—to jettison into the sea various goods and effects, of which mention is hereby made.

...as evidenced by the declaration made at Léogâne on March 4, 1717—signed by La Callière, Judge of the said locality—which the declarant has this day submitted and deposited in the Registry (and signed in the margin), and to which specific reference is hereby made; at which said place of Léogâne, the declarant discharged the merchandise remaining aboard his vessel—a port where he had arrived on March 3rd in order to effect repairs—and where he subsequently loaded and took on board, on account of the said ship: seven hundred and fifty-nine barrels, three pipes, two tierces, and three-quarters of a barrel of refined sugar; and eighty-five barrels, twenty-two tierces, three quarter-casks, three pipes, and two ankers of indigo. The said Declarant further states that he is currently the bearer of... ...one hogshead of sugar and four barrels of indigo, more or less. Furthermore, the declarant reports having brought back sundry pieces of cotton cloth and printed Indian fabrics from the vessel arriving from Guinea, to be placed in the bonded warehouse of the Farm [of Revenue] of this city and subsequently reshipped to Guinea. He states that he set sail from the Point of Léogâne on the 16th of last month to come to France, in company with Mr. Joseph de St. Malo—aboard a Bordeaux-registered ship armed for war against pirates—and three other merchant vessels (one from St. Malo, another from Libourne, and a small boat). The said declarant subsequently found himself alone, along with Mr. Duclos of St. Malo, having parted ways with the other vessels at the Isle of Tortuga. While off the coast, two vessels were sighted cruising along the southern shore with all sails set; the declarant, acting as captain, tacked about, only to find that the said vessels were bearing down very close upon him. This occurred around 2:00 p.m., and they continued to press sail and give chase until nightfall. To evade them, the declarant altered course during the night; upon closer inspection, he realized they consisted of a frigate mounting 20 to 22 guns—which hoisted the Spanish flag and fired a cannon shot at him—and a smaller vessel. It was judged by both the declarant and his officers that these were nothing other than pirates who had recently sailed from the Isle of Providence and, following a similar course, were heading to cruise off the coast of the Isle of Saint-Domingue. This conclusion was reached because the said captain and officers had been informed by two passengers aboard his ship—who had previously been on a St. Malo vessel captured by two pirate boats—that a large number of people had taken refuge on the Isle of Providence (totaling more than 4,000 men), and that various vessels had indeed sailed from there to go cruising off the coast... ...the so-called Isle of Saint-Domingue, which they reportedly threatened to set fire to—specifically all the ships anchored in the roadsteads of Léogâne and Petit-Goâve—declaring that any vessels they captured, regardless of size, would be burned, just as they had done to the aforementioned ship *Monsieur Louis*, commanded by Sieur de la Ville. ...upon which they had the *Craseylaiv* and the *Cadeizine* vessels moored at the high banks of Vitimery; subsequently, they held a council and deliberated as to whether they should put the crews to the sword or hang them—as they had done to several others in Nantes—and proceeded to do the same to the crew of the aforementioned vessels. Following this, they seized the said ships but returned the longboat and the skiff to the remaining crew members, providing them with very little food and water; these survivors subsequently arrived at Petit-Goâve. Furthermore, the said declarant states that Messrs. Duclos, Gallet, and Chateauvert—passengers on board his vessel who had previously been on the ship *Malousy*—told him during the voyage that they had spoken with a young Irishman who was among the pirates on the said ship; this Irishman revealed that the *Malousy* was the eighth vessel the said pirates had captured, and that the passengers and crew of the *Malousy* were fortunate to have been set free, as the pirates had thrown the crews of the two preceding vessels overboard. One of the survivors at Petit-Goâve was a man named Guilness—the sole survivor of his entire crew, the other five having been thrown into the sea—who testified that he had been held there against his will and treated most wretchedly by the said pirates. All these circumstances compelled the Superintendents, Governors, and other officials of the said Island of Saint-Domingue to require all ships present along the coast at that time to contribute—on a pro-rata basis according to their tonnage and cargo value—toward the outfitting of two vessels intended to pursue and drive off the said pirates. Consequently, a sum was levied and collected from the said declarant—by the order and authority of the said Governors and Intendant—in the form of a contribution which he was compelled to pay to the Receiver, as evidenced by the receipt dated the 15th of August last; this...

...which had to be jettisoned before reaching the said ship; and finally, the voyage continued in its entirety between 47 and 48 degrees North-Northeast. This caused such damage to the *Matt de Beaupré*—which is now unserviceable—that, having sustained several heavy seas that stove in her planking and damaged her deck, the captain fears the cargo may be damaged; he therefore makes the required protests in accordance with the Ordinance. He reports that the following men died on board: René Robior on March 13th; Julien Cherpy on the 30th; Julien Honrey on April 9th; Martin Fondie on the 11th; the said Jeriem Conce Vaba; François Stephans; Mare Aussy on the 23rd; François Vudieq on June 8th; Julien Gaillat on August 5th; Étienne Xirnaboi on September 7th; and François Etcoi, surgeon, on October 6th. He further reports that the following men deserted: Joseph Higuard, François Sauveur, and Jean Ernard (who remained on an English vessel following the loss of the ship's boat); Pierre Cartier and Charles Daniel (at Port-au-Paix); Baptiste Gaspart, Pierre Caisseau, Laurent Lorstee, and Thomas Le Page (at Léogâne); Louis Mesnard (at Grand-Goâve); and Philippe Quer (at Petit-Goâve). He presented to us the discharge papers for the enlisted soldiers and fusiliers of the Bonnecarmier company, dated August 16th and signed by Messrs. Muscani (Governor) and Mitton (Superintendent), and has resumed his leave. All of the foregoing he has retained and declared to be true. Done at Paimbœuf on the 11th of the current month; this is his declaration, which was read back to him, and he affirmed that it is truthful, signing it in the presence of the witnesses required by law, and attesting to the deaths that occurred on the said vessel; he further declared that he was unable to sign his name. ...[regarding] the said ship, [and] the considerable expenses he incurred on its behalf—for which he shall submit a memorandum to serve as is just and fitting—he has signed.

P. F. Fourqint    L. Drouin   Demnseray

The *St. Michel* of Nantes Plundered and Captured by Pirates

 The *St. Michel* of Nantes Plundered and Captured by Pirates:

(Rapports des capitaines à l'Amirauté de Nantes, B4578, p. 32-34, Archives départementales de Loire-Atlantique)

Dated this 3rd of January

Appeared Jean Dubois, Sieur du Toucheray, Captain of the *St. Michel*—a vessel of 150 tons, armed with twelve cannons and manned by a crew of 40 men—belonging to Mr. René Montaudouin, in whose service the said Captain is currently engaged. Having promised and sworn to tell the truth, he declared that his said ship, having been loaded with authorized merchandise and being fully equipped with all necessary clearances for the coast of Saint-Domingue, departed from the lower reaches of this river on the 18th of August last. He sighted the island of Madeira on the 3rd of September following. On the 26th of the said month, they encountered a ship from Bordeaux—Captain Darboy—which, like his own, was bound for Saint-Domingue; they sailed in company with this vessel until the following day, proceeding at a much faster pace than the other ship. On the 18th of October, around 8 o'clock in the morning, he sighted Cape Samaná on the coast of Saint-Domingue. At that very moment, he perceived a ship offshore that was tacking toward the land—and consequently, toward his own vessel. Expecting it to be a pirate ship, he waited for it and prepared for battle; however, upon hailing the vessel, he discovered that it was a ship from this very river—Captain Guilland—returning from Guinea, whence it had departed nearly five months earlier. Observing that this encounter was causing him a significant delay in his voyage, he parted company with the vessel toward evening, but not before offering it anything it might require, given its long transatlantic crossing. He continued his course the following day toward the Cape and the Môle. On the 20th of the said month, around 10 o'clock in the morning—while positioned five or six leagues to the north of La Grange—his lookout alerted him that two vessels were visible offshore, which... They gave chase to him, and shortly thereafter he recognized them as pirates; he therefore had his crew—and his passengers, who numbered twenty-eight—prepare to defend themselves, as it appeared evident that the two approaching vessels were pirate ships. When the said two boats came within cannon range—specifically, the one that appeared to be the larger of the two—it hoisted an English flag and fired a shot with live ammunition. This compelled the deponent to hoist his own French flag. Immediately, the said boat—and its companion pirate vessel—struck their English flags and each hoisted a black flag featuring a skull holding a dart in one hand and a hourglass in the other; 

The purported flag of Blackbeard, a variant of the "Old Roger design", consisting of a horned skeleton holding an hourglass and using a spear to pierce a bleeding heart, is typically attributed to the pirate Edward Thache, better known as Blackbeard. This pirate may be but likely not Blackbeard, however, as he was engaged elsewhere (though nearby) and the vessels vaguely match, except for the smaller pirate of 4 guns. If it is Blackbeard, then these French depositions alone verify the use of this flag for Edward Thache.

However, contrary to popular belief, there is no accurate description of any specific flag used by Blackbeard during his piracy beyond using "bloody flags" or black flags with "deaths heads". Records from as early as 1723 report a flag of the same or very similar design to have been used by pirates, but not by Blackbeard in particular. A pirate named "Nicholas [prob. Thomas Nichols]" who used a similar design was reported near Hispaniola at about the time the St. Michael was taken in consort with a smaller vessel. This may be them.

... furthermore, at the top of their mainmasts, they flew another flag of the same color depicting a man standing upon another figure, with a weapon piercing the latter's throat [previously unknown flag]. As the large pirate vessel continued to approach, it sent volley after volley—some seven or eight rounds—at him. Upon finding himself within effective range, the deponent attempted to fire two shots from the stern of his ship in order to swing his vessel around and present his broadside to the enemy; to this end, he began to trim his topgallant sails and haul up his mainsail. At this juncture, the majority of his passengers—led by a certain Sieur de l'Isle Ribauld—intervened, telling him that he must not engage in battle with such dangerous men. They argued that if the deponent were to fire even a single cannon shot, his entire crew would be massacred, whereas the pirates were likely interested only in plundering some provisions and other supplies of that nature. The said Sieur de l'Isle had already wagered five crowns—and offered further incentives—on the proposition that if half the crew were to side with the passengers, the deponent would be rendered incapable of offering any defense; consequently, they advised the deponent to strike his flag and allow the pirate captain to come aboard his vessel—which he did, some seven minutes later. ...one pirate, named Daniel Bertrand, a native of Maijorine. Subsequently, the said Lamotte came aboard the declarant's ship with ten to twelve Englishmen, who ordered him to proceed to the said pirate vessel; he did so and observed that it was an English ship of ten or twelve guns, with Lamotte and thirteen other crew members aboard. The second pirate vessel was armed with four cannons and a crew of thirty-five men; they dispatched forty men to the declarant's ship and removed an equal number—both sailors and passengers—transferring them to the said pirate vessel. The pirates had already learned that the declarant had encountered a slave ship at Samaná; consequently, they blockaded the passage for the remainder of that day and the two following days in order to intercept it. On the 22nd, they proceeded to anchor near La Grange, where they detained two English vessels engaged in trade along the coast of Saint-Domingue. On the morning of Saturday, the 23rd of the said month of October, they were preparing to put him ashore; however, at that very moment, the said pirates sighted two sails out at sea. Deciding to give chase, they hastily loaded several sailors and passengers into the declarant's ship's canoe, which they then towed behind them, accompanied by twelve of their own men. During the chase, the declarant observed that one of the pirate vessels engaged the two sails they had sighted; upon closing with them, the pirates fired two cannon shots, compelling the vessels to strike their colors—specifically, a ship from Bordeaux named *Le Saint-Jacques*, Captain Bergero.

Plan du Mouillage de la Grange au Nord de St Domingue. A. La Grange ; B. Islet a l'abri duquel on mouille, C. Mouillage ; D. Riviere de Mont-Christ qui vient de la Ville Espagnole de St Yago et traine de l'Or dans son Sable, 1700

 

Another vessel captured at this time by the same pirates:

La Gratieuse de Nantes captured and taken by pirates:

(Rapports des capitaines à l'Amirauté de Nantes, B4578, p. 35-37, Archives départementales de Loire-Atlantique)

Dated this 4th of January 1718

Appearing before Messrs. the Lieutenant General and Vergs??

Appeared Mr. François Le Barbier, formerly Captain of the vessel named *La Gracieuse de Nantes*, of a burthen of approximately 140 tons, armed with six cannons, and manned by 26 men and five indentured servants—the said vessel belonging to Mr. Robin the Younger and his associates—regarding which Le Barbier, having sworn an oath to tell the truth, did state and declare the following: that his said vessel, having been laden with authorized merchandise bound for Léogâne on the coast of Saint-Domingue, and being furnished with all the necessary papers and clearances for such a voyage, departed from the lower reaches of this river on the 23rd of last August to carry out his intended voyage to Léogâne and conduct his trade; that en route, at a latitude of 19 degrees 50 minutes North and 318 degrees Longitude, he encountered a ship from Bordeaux commanded by Mr. Dubois—whom the deponent left behind, being a faster sailer—and continued his course until Thursday, the 21st day of October, when, at approximately 4 o'clock in the afternoon, he sighted land... ...[he reached] Cape Samaná and subsequently followed the coastline until Saturday, the 23rd of the said month. At approximately 3:00 AM, having rounded the Cape and headed out to sea in a northeasterly direction—setting a course for the aforementioned Léogâne—he sighted two ships and five boats to leeward. He stated that, upon observing their maneuvers, it became apparent to him that they were all converging on his vessel and that they were, in fact, hostile ships. This prompted him to hold his wind in order to track them until approximately 9:00 PM, at which point two of the largest boats overtook him. They fired some five cannon shots at him—without inflicting any damage—and hailed him repeatedly, in both French and English, ordering him to strike his colors and launch his longboat to come aboard their vessel. He was compelled to comply, as he was in no position to offer resistance to the said pirates. He proceeded aboard the largest of the pirate boats, which was armed with twelve cannons and crewed by approximately 70 men—almost all of whom were English. The smaller boat was armed with four cannons and manned by a crew of 30 to 35 men. While the said deponent was aboard the large pirate boat, the captain asked him—speaking in French—how many cannons he carried, the size of his crew, the nature of his cargo, and his port of origin. To this, the deponent replied that his vessel was laden with hides from Taïfa and Brazilwood.

...[they] seized from the said vessel four hundred planks, small barrels of flour, and other goods of considerable value. The said pirates detained the deponent and his crew aboard their own ship—the pirate sloop that had succeeded in boarding and capturing the said vessel *La Gratieuse*. Aboard the said pirate ship, the deponent encountered Mr. Duboys, commander of the vessel *St. Michel* of Nantes (owned by Mr. Montaudouian), who told him that he had been captured by the said pirates on the 20th of the said month, and that the ship he now saw—the largest and most prominent of the group—was his own vessel. Also aboard the said pirate ship were Mr. Bergexon, commander of the *St. Jacques* of La Rochelle (fitted out in Bordeaux), and Mr. Boanardel, the ship's owner; they pointed out their vessel to him in the dim light, stating that they had been captured by the said pirates around eleven o'clock or noon on that same day. Furthermore, he encountered Captain Arceberg of La Rochelle, who told him that he, too, had been captured that same day aboard the vessel *Charles* of La Rochelle, which he commanded. He explained that their captured fleet consisted of two pirate vessels, Captain Arceberg's ship, two small English vessels captured prior to their own, and the three aforementioned ships—including the deponent's own vessel—a fact which, by daylight, the deponent confirmed to be true. Finally, the pirates took them all together to the island of Inagua—a deserted and uninhabited island—where they anchored on the night of Sunday into Monday, the 2?th of the said month, around two o'clock in the afternoon. There, the deponent did his utmost to negotiate the purchase of his own vessel, but the said pirates informed him that they would not return any of the ships, save for Captain Arceberg's vessel—and even that one, they added, they would have kept as well, had it not been so heavily laden.

...but [the pirates] sent them ashore to land the captured friends with whom they were charged; and around 2:00 p.m., the said pirates ordered them to board the said boat; and around 4:00 p.m., they were brought there—the said pirates having stripped them of all their clothes and belongings—having entirely retained the said three ships with their full cargoes of merchandise, both bulk goods and personal effects, and having also pillaged various goods from the said boat, *Le Chaillet*. The deponent further states that they forcibly detained several men from the crew—specifically a man named Jullien Rondiemeau of Nantes, a sloop master—despite the supplications and entreaties the poor unfortunates made to them to avoid remaining with them; [the pirates] merely stated that they were 4,500 strong, all of one accord. Having then set sail in the said boat *Le Chaillet*, they charted a course for the roadstead, where they anchored on October 30th to take on fresh water; from there, they set sail for Cap-Français to seek passage back to Europe. He further states that he learned from the captain of the said pirates that they had a correspondent [Jean Martel at Petit Goave?] on the coast of Saint-Domingue who supplied them with all their necessities, and that they lacked for nothing. Upon having this declaration read back to him, he swore that it was sincere and true, and requested that the present declaration be verified by the officers and witnesses present.

Le Barbier

Spotswood's Failed Attempt to Steal Spanish Treasure!

 

Three views of Mammon, Greed, or John Milton's "Devil of Covetousness" It's quite obvious how "Mammon's" appearance changed through time from the 18th century until now - from a little-feared miserly old man to finally corrupting into the actual Devil himself! The beast of Mammon matured after the United States confidently became a nation.

Americans are absolutely obsessed with and covetous of property. But, why? Have Americans always been greedy, or was this a learned behavior?  Property had special meaning to the population of a land-starved island nation like Great Britain - America's motherland. Property became the basis for the freehold, franchise, or the right to vote - actual political power over others. As the British Isles filled with people, this power became a premium and localized in the hands of only a few. It's estimated that, in the eighteenth century, only 3% of the population of Great Britain had the right to vote - a right so absolutely cherished by Americans today - a right then solely dependent on property ownership. 

How did that change - specifically for America - as opposed to Great Britain - and a new nation of Mammon-worshiping property-owners evolving from that land-starved island nation? 

LAND! Pure power - glorious dirt that glittered like silver or gold treasure! America was thought by Europeans to be virtually unlimited in land. It was a dream or utopia to all Europeans, but especially to island-dwelling Protestant Englishmen.

Only one problem: that vast unlimited land - that access to ultimate power - was already possessed by Catholic Spain. This was an annoying fact to not only previously (before the Spanish Armada failure of 1588) power-starved Englishmen, but also the Native American or Indians who had first lost their land to the Catholics the century before! 

Of course, Indians lost more than just land - their remarkably tolerant Creator also suffered great discrimination and abuse by all Christians! Indians might find solace in the fact that Christians just as often abused each other - it seems that Protestants and Catholics rarely got along and appeared to truly worship no god at all, but greed itself - treasure, or Mammon, the "Devil of Covetousness!"

How was the land-starved Englishman to obtain a piece of Spanish America? For the English in 1663/5, it was merely an act of claiming Spain's territory - yeah, just saying, or writing on paper that they owned it!

 

Clearly, actual possession meant having to steal it, as the Spanish had done to the technologically less-advantageous Indians and created the piratical land "beyond the lines of amity" in the first place!

Owing to the fact that the Atlantic Ocean most obviously blocked their way, theft on the water, or piracy and marine raids were the chosen methods of the greedy Englishman to relieve Spain of its stolen property - to possess it for themselves, not to return it to its rightful owners, of course.

Of course, the idea of "property" evolved a bit in this martial Mammon-loving American atmosphere into more than just land - thanks to sugar or "White Gold." Slaves - the engine of sugar wealth - also became precious objects to be possessed. Specie, of course, was always valuable, as the non-imaginary measure of value itself. That the United States inherited Mammon's capitalism from its early piratical English forebears reveals itself in the American "dollar" named and valued after the Spanish "piece of eight" dollar. The older generation of American today may remember referring to a quarter dollar as "two bits" or 1/4 of "eight bits" or the traditional division of Spanish "piece of eight" coins into eight parts or "bits."

But, stealing Spain's wealth - silver and gold cobs, or Spanish dollars and jewels - while it resulted in little enduring power, it still provided immediate benefits of instant wealth, the quick and gratuitous path to Mammon! Not to mention that it would deliver further blows to the Catholics! British citizens of means invested regularly in privateer and wreck-fishing enterprises to steal Spain's treasure. 

One Spanish wreck in the late 17th century afforded a small group of five English investors - including the king himself - a chance to make virtual fortunes... enough for one of them to build a new mansion in Kent! This was only one Spanish treasure ship!

On July 30, 1715, a hurricane crossed through the Windward Isles and slammed directly into La Florida at precisely the same moment that Spain's long-held-up treasure fleet, consisting of eleven treasure galleons with three years worth of the income for Seville aboard, passed through the straits of Florida on their way home. Eleven treasure ships were blown against the shallow shores, spilling 14 million pesos worth in silver alone... not to mention whatever value the gold and jewels might add to this golden siren's lusty song!

Mariners from all across the Atlantic community jumped to the altar to worship Mammon - or covet some treasure for themselves.

One of those men by the name of Josiah Forbes, mariner of Philadelphia, made a fateful provisioning call at Virginia on his way back from the Florida wrecks. The acting governor of Virginia - of gentlemanly stature - even royal, owing to his family connections to the ruling King George I - was Lt. Gov. Alexander Spotswood. 

Spotswood, perhaps for the first time, glimpsed the massive proceeds possible from the wrecks in Forbes' hull and, of course, held him on suspicion of piracy - if for no other reason than to keep him in Virginia. He later wrote - attempting to formalize his decision to hold his prisoner - that Forbes had  since been discovered to have been imprisoned by the Spanish and having escaped them before sailing for Virginia. There you have it! Forbes was already a criminal to their "friends" the Spanish!

Despite all the warnings - and being possessed by Mammon - the corrupt idea probably leapt from Spotswood's greedy brain that he might get some of that treasure for himself! And... of course (tongue firmly planted in cheek), to further the national goals of Great Britain - God Bless the King!

There had also been rumors of much competition - a great many mariners of every sort collecting on the island of New Providence to fish the very same wrecks. They also raided vessels who had already fished the wrecks and took their treasure - I mean, why do the dangerous job of diving when you didn't have to? Not to put too fine a point on it, but many upstanding gentlemen lost many a good slave that way...

Another thing that Spotswood must have considered: How long would the treasure hold out with that many people fishing it up from the sea floor? Spotswood had to act quickly if he would benefit from this golden opportunity...

Still, the acting chief of Virginia was far too genteel and could not fish the treasure himself. So, he chose another man - a partner of sorts - to take care of the dirty business for him. 

Capt. Harry Beverly, styled - after 1720 - of "New-lands," or the newest lands of his 32,000 acres, or his plantation in Spotsylvania County, Virginia, would build a vessel and sail for such a king's ransom in Spotswood's stead.

Beverly was a man of means - son of Major Robert Beverly - an original immigrant in 1663 (coincidentally, when Carolina first claimed Spain's New World territory). Harry was then a first generation American born to the gentlemanly immigrant Beverly family of Beverly, Yorkshire. The Beverlys became founding fathers in Virginia, along with other allied families such as Carters, Armisteads, Churchills, and Fairfax. They became ancestors of great statesmen and presidents of the United States!

There would be many investors in this venture as well as Spotswood - all rich and some, just as wealthy as Spotswood. Indeed, Beverly's entire family had hoped for a piece of the coveted Spanish wealth as evidenced by his step-sister Elizabeth Churchill's notation in her will of 1716 "if Mr. Harry Beverley brings back any money or other returns from the wrecks, her share should go to certain of her grandchildren." The "other returns" may have referred to silver and gold plate or jewels. All treasure was most welcome. 

The Beverly's were already quite wealthy - Harry himself, of course, owning as many as 32,000 acres of land at the time of his death. So, the expected immense fortune in specie only sparked a side-diversion for these early wealthy Americans - they did not need the money. But, adventure was in the offing! For Beverly, this expedition would resemble an international playboy's fancy, if you will. 

Beverly needed help building his vessel and engaged his step-brother Walter Keeble - less than ten years apart in age and likely close for most of their 30 something years, as of 1716. Together, according to CO 137/12, they had a square-sterned sloop constructed on the Piankatank River, on the south side of their then Middlesex County residence. Spotswood armed this sloop Virgin with eight cannon from his own colonial stores, obviously anticipating trouble in those Spanish waters. 

Sloops offshore at Virginia

Spotswood would have to be politically delicate. The English and Spanish were then at peace. The War of the Spanish Succession or Queen Anne's War had just ended in 1714. The original claim of Carolina in 1663/5 would take time to actualize. Any theft from the Spanish had to be covert, so as not to begin another international incident - not right away, at any rate. The war had been a long one and the king undoubtedly did not want to start again so soon. They must at least pretend to honor the treaty while getting whatever they could of the treasure. 

On 15th of June 1716, Lt. Gov. Spotswood commissioned Beverly's Virgin and gave him instructions... these instructions (in CO 5/1317), of course, mention the source of the treasure first:

Whereas I have Received Information that divers Ships Richly Laden having been cast away in the Channel of Bahama & other...

The all-capitalized part about "Ships Richly Laden" I'm sure never went unnoticed. And, then, his wording proceeded to his competitors:

... and that under pretence of fishing for the Said Wreck'd Goods, divers persons as well his Majesties Subjects as others have Assembled themselves with their Vessells armed and equipped in Warlike manner, commiting depredations & other Acts of Hostility, upon the Spaniards & other Nations in Amity with His Majesty [at peace; Treaty of Utrecht] and that the Said persons have also taken possession of the Island of Providence, and intend to  Strengthen themselves there under a Governor of their own choosing...

Oh, Spotswood's words made him appear quite concerned about their Spanish neighbors! Well, he was a royal official who should at least appear to be doing his duty!

As to Bahamian pirates - or, his challengers for the treasure - the literately loquacious Spotswood never made any pretense about his disgust for these wannabee usurpers of authority and "low-life" commoners in his lengthy diatribes. Annoying for such a refined gentleman as he, these "ne'er do wells" occupying New Providence and fishing his wrecks were a nuisance to all - and a threat to all legitimate attempts to steal/fish the treasure!

On 23rd June, Beverley departed from Virginia. According to Spotswood in his complaint to the Board of Trade, Beverly's voyage did not go well from the start:

... two days after he left the Capes of Virginia he mett with a strong wind at South West, which carry'd him into the latitude of 28d. 40m. and longitude of 6 degrees [east - approx. longitude of Bermuda] from the said Capes, where on 5th July he found himself close by a ship and a sloop, which proved to be a Spanish man of war called the St. Juan Baptista, commanded by Don Joseph Rocher de la Pena...

... The man of war fired three shots at Beverley's sloop (which had the English colours flying on board) and then ordered him to come on board, where (without ever looking into his papers or so much as asking for them) only demanding from whence he came, he was made prisoner and his boats crew confined apart. The men of the Spanish ship immediately went on board his sloop, beat and stript all the men[,] broke open their chests, plundered and carry'd off all the cargo, and brought the men [as] prisoners on board the man of war, where they were forced naked as they were to work as the Spaniards ordered them, except Beverley himself, and Mr. Peter Whiting and George [Keeble] his officers.

On the 30th they arrived at Porto Rico, where the Spaniards sold most of the goods belonging to Beverley's sloop, and then on 11th May, they came to St. Domingo.

At both which places Beverley[,] conscious of his honest intentions, desired a trial but was denyed, untill they should arrive at La Vera Crux, whither the Spanish Commander declared he intended to carry his prisoners. It appears also by the letters from Beverley that he had sent divers letters to the Governour of St. Domingo, setting forth his case, and praying for a tryal, but no answer was returned, neither was Beverley or any of his men suffered to go on shoar or permitted to speak to anyone at either of these places, and since 14th Aug. Beverley nor any of his men have been heard of.

Spotswood seemed to scream out to his fellow Englishmen, "Oh, the horror!"

Apparently, Rocher and the Mexican government never believed Beverly's protestations of innocence. Only six months before, Jamaica's anti-pirate privateer Henry Jennings simply walked onto the beaches of the Spanish territory of La Florida - at St. Sebastian Inlet, even below the 29th parallel or the southern limits of the Carolina "claim" - and stole all the treasure already recovered by their salvers and spiking their cannon as they left - for good measure. This was clearly an act of war - it appeared that Jennings was not so worried about restarting the just-ended conflict and again violating the treaty! 

This fact never seemed to cross Spotswood's or Beverly's mind... that the Spanish were already pissed and would take action against any English vessel they might! The Spanish could have opted to declare the treaty null and void after Jennings' Christmas 1715 raid of their treasure - on their own land! What made the Englishmen so sure that the Spanish would just let them take what they wanted and then shake hands - maybe tip back a few mugs of Sangria - with Beverly?

After all, the English pirates and terrorists in Campeche, Mexico had just been expelled from Laguna de Terminos by the Barlovento Squadron out of Vera Cruz that summer, too! By 1716, the Spanish had had quite enough loss from these Englishmen!

Maybe Spotswood hoped that Beverly would just not get caught stealing Spanish property - or treasure. Might it be that Spotswood and Beverly simply took the chance of missing Rocher or any other Spanish Man-of-War that might be out there in the wide-open seas. Beverly was possibly secretly ordered by Spotswood to just take what he could and hightail it back to Virginia. The "official commission" of going after Bahamian pirates might have been simply a ruse to avoid later legalities if caught. We'll likely never know since Beverly never even made it to New Providence before he was captured!

===== update: 3-24-2021 ==============================

In CO 137/12, a letter from Beverley's crew dated December 9, 1716, a few months after arriving at Vera Cruz tells that Beverly intended to go the Bahamas after more treasure from the Spanish wrecks, since they "in hopes to find a Wreck there, having found three Saylors Chests on the Shore among these Islands." Beverley's crew later opted for a piece of the action, as opposed to monthly wages, hoping that the chests were full of treasure. The Spanish undoubtedly suspected Beverly and crew of another operation similar to Jenning's. Still, Beverley, in his next letter of March 6th, 1717, suggests that Lt. Gov. Spotswood's intel of the sea chests ashore at New Providence came to him in May 1716 - the month before commissioning Beverly and Virgin. Therefore, it's likely that Spotswood wanted to collect that Spanish money - not to help the Spanish with their pirate problem. 

====================================================

Virginia "privateer" Capt. Harry Beverly eventually made it back to his base of Virginia... but, only after the Spanish had thoroughly satiated their anger at Henry Jennings, Harry Beverly, Alexander Spotswood, or any other Protestant heretic thief that might have hoped to steal from them. They ruined the English plans of Spotswood, sold their merchandise, and condemned Virgin. What's more, Rocher and his Barlovento Squadron from Vera Cruz, Mexico most likely captured these annoying English criminals often! Many wreck-fishing vessels must have been condemned at La Vera Cruz.

Jamaican Gov. Lord Archibald Hamilton attempted the same trickery against the Spanish with his ten-privateer fleet in winter of 1715 - to "hunt pirates" - following the wreck of the Spanish fleet in the hurricane earlier that summer. The result was that Henry Jennings - one of those privateers - outright violated the treaty and invaded Spanish La Florida, angering Spain and causing a backlash against English aggression.

I rather think the Spanish had every right to imprison these English terrorists - if one believes in the traditional real (in the sense of property) precept of ownership being 9/10ths equal to possession. 

Some Americans today might disagree with me on anachronistic terms because today, we merely view the victims here as Spanish and Catholic and know that the English successfully stole their property - now, Americans own La Florida!

But, aren't those Americans thieves and racists? Just like the Spanish before them? And we grew up in a nation of piratical Mammon worshipers, so our angry anti-Catholic, anti-Spanish opinions might be skewed by race, greed and the capitalistic profit motive.  

A General History of the Pyrates perhaps said it best when it called America a "Commonwealth of Pyrates!"

I agree. America is the quintessential nation built by greed, Mammon - the commonwealth, the land "beyond the lines of amity!" To the victor go the spoils! 

Only now - after gaining possession of Spain's property - American thieves and racists claim to be democratic and pretend to respect each others' opinions.