Deposition: French Battle the Weather, Spanish, English, and Pirates!

 *La Fidélité de Nantes*, arriving from Léogâne — 150 tons

Dated the 13th of October

Appearing before the Gentlemen Lieutenant-General on Duty:

(source: Rapports des capitaines à l'Amirauté de Nantes, Les Archives départementales de Loire Atlantique, B4578, 10-12.

Appeared Mr. Louis Drouin, Master of the vessel named *La Fidélité de Nantes*, of one hundred and fifty tons or thereabouts; having administered the oath to him, he promised and swore to speak the truth. He stated and declared to us that the said vessel, having been laden with merchandise permitted by Mr. Montaudouin—a merchant of this city and charterer of the said ship—and being furnished with all the necessary papers for the voyage from Saint-Domingue to the French Islands of the Americas, the said Mr. Drouin declares that he departed from the lower reaches of this river on the 27th of December 1716 to undertake the said voyage. On the following 28th of January, the deponent sighted the island of Saint-Domingue at approximately 8 o'clock in the morning; and on the following day, the 29th, at 4 o'clock in the evening, he sighted the Île de la Tortue. At approximately 8 or 9 o'clock that evening—while abreast of the said island and two leagues offshore—he encountered, for a period of four hours, conditions indicating squalls and foul weather. Consequently, having ordered the sails to be reefed, the wind shifted suddenly to the northwest with great violence, accompanied by rain and thunder; he was therefore obliged to heave to. At approximately 1 o'clock [in the morning], the wind shifted to the north with equal fury; the winds subsequently veered around the entire compass and increased in intensity, and the sea became furious and terrifying. On the following day, the 30th, no land was in sight—due both to a very thick fog and to the foul weather that continued unabated. He had the misfortune to drift toward the island of Cuba due to the swiftness of the currents, which carried him westward; on the 31st—the mist having cleared around 8 o'clock in the morning—he sighted very low-lying land. Realizing he had drifted to leeward, he hauled his vessel closer to the wind in an attempt to work clear; however, having taken an altitude reading which placed him at 22 degrees North latitude, he concluded that he was within the Old Bahama Channel—the passage lying between Cuba and the shoals known as *Los Placeres*. This conclusion was reinforced by the fact that, after tacking for four or five hours, he observed by the bearings of the land that—far from making any headway—the currents were actually carrying him further to the west. This observation determined him to bear away and run directly through the said channel. On that same day, he sighted a ship astern of him—a vessel out of the Canaries bound for Havana—which confirmed to him that he was indeed within the said channel. Having kept company with the other vessel for a time, they parted ways on the morning of February 3rd, between 6 and 7 o'clock: he himself steered toward Matanzas, while the other vessel set a course to the west-northwest to coast along the shoreline there of Florida

...and, in order to navigate more easily during the evenings, [we sailed] in sight of the Martyrs [Reefs], intending to round them by passing to the north of the vessels [anchored there]; on the 4th of the said month—after having tacked several times to windward to gain ground—we stood inshore to round Florida, passing to the north of the shoals. Between 4 and 5 o'clock in the morning, we encountered the ship *La Sainte-Aimée* of Saint-Malo, commanded by Captain Poitevin; having spoken with him and set our course to the northeast-by-east, we sighted land again around 6 o'clock that evening, bearing North-Northeast at a distance of more than six leagues. As the winds had diminished considerably—making it difficult to hold our course close to the wind—the declarant's ship passed the Matanzas Inlet, situated just to the north of the aforementioned Martyrs.

At between eight and nine o'clock that evening—the winds having abated somewhat—they were driven westward onto a cay, where they ran aground in five feet of water, two leagues offshore from the coast of Florida. Thereupon, the deponent immediately launched his small boat to take soundings and determine whether the water was deep enough to allow the vessel to be refloated; meanwhile, the crew furled and secured the sails, and lowered the yards and topmasts.

However, the men who had boarded the said canoe—instead of executing the order given to them by the deponent—cowardly abandoned the said ship (which they had lost sight of, and to which they did not return until it was once again afloat). Upon their return, the deponent states that the Sieur des Martiers (Second Captain) and Joseph Bucoy (Pilot)—who had boarded the said canoe—were compelled by the crew of the said canoe (as well as by others who had boarded under cover of night and amidst the ensuing confusion—including François Sauveive, Baptiste Gaspard Bossemay, Joseph Ignard, and Thomas Renaut, sailors) to row toward the ship *Sainte-Anne*. This vessel, belonging to the deponent, was then situated only about half a league away; however, the said Sieur Portevin (Captain) was far from offering them asylum aboard his ship—instead branding them as cowards and deserters, and ordering that fire be opened upon them, thereby forcing them to retreat. Yet, instead of returning to the deponent's ship, they took refuge aboard an English boat they encountered. Meanwhile, the deponent ordered the longboat to be launched to compensate for the loss of the said canoe; however, it was discovered that the said longboat was taking on water through three seams on each side, which had not been properly caulked.

...restored to their proper state—though I was unable to heel the vessel over, as she was lodged against the rocks—which obliged the deponent to have her re-floated so she might be promptly recaulked. This, however, could not be accomplished until after a considerable delay, during which time the crew had diligently managed the ship, which remained aground on the said reef. Consequently, the deponent—together with his other officers—resolved to wait for daylight before attempting to move the entire vessel to deeper water. Throughout the night, he remained on watch—and ensured others did the same—guarding the said longboat while it lay alongside, with six armed musketeers posted on the gunwales and other crew members stationed at their posts, ready to fire, and the cannons loaded with grapeshot in readiness for a second boarding attempt. At the break of day, the deponent had André de Mesorit—the ship's Master—board the longboat to take soundings around the vessel. After doing so, the Master reported that, given the ship was resting on the highest point of the reef, it would be more expedient to carry the anchor forward than to carry it astern, as this would require dragging it over a shorter distance.

The said vessel, having on board various cables, was—after being violently swung around off Cap Bas—subjected to continuous heavy seas until noon; indeed, at 2:00 PM, the declarants—namely Lieutenant Dangoise and Master Dunesquil—found themselves in a critical situation. As the said vessel was in distress and offered no means of relief under the prevailing circumstances, they were compelled—in order to facilitate a more prompt resolution, both to clear the decks and to lighten the load—to jettison into the sea various goods and effects, of which mention is hereby made.

...as evidenced by the declaration made at Léogâne on March 4, 1717—signed by La Callière, Judge of the said locality—which the declarant has this day submitted and deposited in the Registry (and signed in the margin), and to which specific reference is hereby made; at which said place of Léogâne, the declarant discharged the merchandise remaining aboard his vessel—a port where he had arrived on March 3rd in order to effect repairs—and where he subsequently loaded and took on board, on account of the said ship: seven hundred and fifty-nine barrels, three pipes, two tierces, and three-quarters of a barrel of refined sugar; and eighty-five barrels, twenty-two tierces, three quarter-casks, three pipes, and two ankers of indigo. The said Declarant further states that he is currently the bearer of... ...one hogshead of sugar and four barrels of indigo, more or less. Furthermore, the declarant reports having brought back sundry pieces of cotton cloth and printed Indian fabrics from the vessel arriving from Guinea, to be placed in the bonded warehouse of the Farm [of Revenue] of this city and subsequently reshipped to Guinea. He states that he set sail from the Point of Léogâne on the 16th of last month to come to France, in company with Mr. Joseph de St. Malo—aboard a Bordeaux-registered ship armed for war against pirates—and three other merchant vessels (one from St. Malo, another from Libourne, and a small boat). The said declarant subsequently found himself alone, along with Mr. Duclos of St. Malo, having parted ways with the other vessels at the Isle of Tortuga. While off the coast, two vessels were sighted cruising along the southern shore with all sails set; the declarant, acting as captain, tacked about, only to find that the said vessels were bearing down very close upon him. This occurred around 2:00 p.m., and they continued to press sail and give chase until nightfall. To evade them, the declarant altered course during the night; upon closer inspection, he realized they consisted of a frigate mounting 20 to 22 guns—which hoisted the Spanish flag and fired a cannon shot at him—and a smaller vessel. It was judged by both the declarant and his officers that these were nothing other than pirates who had recently sailed from the Isle of Providence and, following a similar course, were heading to cruise off the coast of the Isle of Saint-Domingue. This conclusion was reached because the said captain and officers had been informed by two passengers aboard his ship—who had previously been on a St. Malo vessel captured by two pirate boats—that a large number of people had taken refuge on the Isle of Providence (totaling more than 4,000 men), and that various vessels had indeed sailed from there to go cruising off the coast... ...the so-called Isle of Saint-Domingue, which they reportedly threatened to set fire to—specifically all the ships anchored in the roadsteads of Léogâne and Petit-Goâve—declaring that any vessels they captured, regardless of size, would be burned, just as they had done to the aforementioned ship *Monsieur Louis*, commanded by Sieur de la Ville. ...upon which they had the *Craseylaiv* and the *Cadeizine* vessels moored at the high banks of Vitimery; subsequently, they held a council and deliberated as to whether they should put the crews to the sword or hang them—as they had done to several others in Nantes—and proceeded to do the same to the crew of the aforementioned vessels. Following this, they seized the said ships but returned the longboat and the skiff to the remaining crew members, providing them with very little food and water; these survivors subsequently arrived at Petit-Goâve. Furthermore, the said declarant states that Messrs. Duclos, Gallet, and Chateauvert—passengers on board his vessel who had previously been on the ship *Malousy*—told him during the voyage that they had spoken with a young Irishman who was among the pirates on the said ship; this Irishman revealed that the *Malousy* was the eighth vessel the said pirates had captured, and that the passengers and crew of the *Malousy* were fortunate to have been set free, as the pirates had thrown the crews of the two preceding vessels overboard. One of the survivors at Petit-Goâve was a man named Guilness—the sole survivor of his entire crew, the other five having been thrown into the sea—who testified that he had been held there against his will and treated most wretchedly by the said pirates. All these circumstances compelled the Superintendents, Governors, and other officials of the said Island of Saint-Domingue to require all ships present along the coast at that time to contribute—on a pro-rata basis according to their tonnage and cargo value—toward the outfitting of two vessels intended to pursue and drive off the said pirates. Consequently, a sum was levied and collected from the said declarant—by the order and authority of the said Governors and Intendant—in the form of a contribution which he was compelled to pay to the Receiver, as evidenced by the receipt dated the 15th of August last; this...

...which had to be jettisoned before reaching the said ship; and finally, the voyage continued in its entirety between 47 and 48 degrees North-Northeast. This caused such damage to the *Matt de Beaupré*—which is now unserviceable—that, having sustained several heavy seas that stove in her planking and damaged her deck, the captain fears the cargo may be damaged; he therefore makes the required protests in accordance with the Ordinance. He reports that the following men died on board: René Robior on March 13th; Julien Cherpy on the 30th; Julien Honrey on April 9th; Martin Fondie on the 11th; the said Jeriem Conce Vaba; François Stephans; Mare Aussy on the 23rd; François Vudieq on June 8th; Julien Gaillat on August 5th; Étienne Xirnaboi on September 7th; and François Etcoi, surgeon, on October 6th. He further reports that the following men deserted: Joseph Higuard, François Sauveur, and Jean Ernard (who remained on an English vessel following the loss of the ship's boat); Pierre Cartier and Charles Daniel (at Port-au-Paix); Baptiste Gaspart, Pierre Caisseau, Laurent Lorstee, and Thomas Le Page (at Léogâne); Louis Mesnard (at Grand-Goâve); and Philippe Quer (at Petit-Goâve). He presented to us the discharge papers for the enlisted soldiers and fusiliers of the Bonnecarmier company, dated August 16th and signed by Messrs. Muscani (Governor) and Mitton (Superintendent), and has resumed his leave. All of the foregoing he has retained and declared to be true. Done at Paimbœuf on the 11th of the current month; this is his declaration, which was read back to him, and he affirmed that it is truthful, signing it in the presence of the witnesses required by law, and attesting to the deaths that occurred on the said vessel; he further declared that he was unable to sign his name. ...[regarding] the said ship, [and] the considerable expenses he incurred on its behalf—for which he shall submit a memorandum to serve as is just and fitting—he has signed.

P. F. Fourqint    L. Drouin   Demnseray

Introduction to Primary Sources and Their Use: Analysis of Depositions - John Vickers (bef. 28 May 1716)

Depositions are legal documents taken to investigate a legal matter. It's the same as an interrogation. That does not mean, however, each deposition and the person being deposed are trustworthy. Many criminals have lied to the police! There's no reason to suspect that any witness cannot be lying as well - maybe they want to keep their cousin out of jail! Depositions become matters of public record and will survive indefinitely. Lies can persevere as well as truth.

The task of the historian is to investigate the events mentioned in the deposition, who the deponent is, why are authorities engaged in this investigation, and what are the deponent's motivations for telling the authorities about the event. Yes, this is a lot of work. [Sarcasm alert:] That's why historians are paid the big bucks! 😂

Today, we take a look at the Deposition of John Vickers, enclosed in a letter to the Admiralty from Lt. Gov. Spotswood, dated 3 July 1716. 

Where was this deposition taken? York County, Virginia. The governor then was Lt. Gov. Alexander Spotswood (because the actual governor George Hamilton did not think coming to America was necessary for his paycheck!) and he had much angst for pirates at this time. Williamsburg, Virginia was the capital of the Virginia Colony from 1699 to 1780. Presumably, the deposition was taken there - no specifics were mentioned as to location. British magistrates were in the habit of visiting deposers at their place of residence (whether a rental or home). So, the assumption is that the same occurred in Virginia with Thomas Nelson, the presumed interviewer and magistrate in this case. Thomas Nelson signed as witness to Vicker's deposition and no one else was mentioned in a magisterial context. A postscript is attached, mentioning Barbados merchant Alexander Stockdale (b. circa 1656), was taken by pirates and was with Vickers in Providence, Bahamas at the time of these events. He confirmed the veracity of Vicker's testimony and Nelson also witnessed his statement. This is an important point - a second person validated the deposition at the time the deposition was taken and was involved in the events in the deposition. 

The date of 3 July 1716 is not the actual date of the deposition. It's the date of Spotswood's letter and he mentions in his letter that the enclosure is a duplicate from 28 May 1716. So, the actual deposition had to have occurred before that date. The events in the deposition span the period Nov 1715 - 22 Apr 1716, and accounting for the travel time from the Bahamas to Virginia, the deposition most likely occurred sometime in May 1716. Whether Vickers was present for all the events he testifies upon at Providence is not certain - only that he knew about them possibly from word of mouth from others, but it is reasonably certain that he was there for the conclusion of these events. 

Now, who is John Vickers? My book Dictionary of Pyrate Biography was written partly to provide historians biographical information on key players related to piracy simply to provide context for such investigations. Thus, an entry on John Vickers - an important witness to pirate history - was included:

Vickers, John - from Bermuda, grandson of original wealthy immigrant (1635) Severin Vickers, had once served on the council of St. Christopher’s Island [St. Kitts] in the 1680s. His uncle Richard, in 1677, replaced Simon Musgrave as Customs agent for Jamaica. Then, John Sr. was appointed to the General Assembly of the Leeward Islands, on October 1, 1683.  Perhaps it was his son who, a younger man in 1716, had been living on New Providence when the growing band of multinational rovers infested the island in the spring and summer of that year and caused him to leave for Virginia. 

The young merchant Vickers, barely twenty, gave his deposition before Thomas Nelson, originally of Penrith, Scotland, then a twelve-year resident of Yorktown, Virginia with a son on the way (Thomas, Jr., a future governor of Virginia). 

Vickers was a young man at the time he gave his testimony. Alexander Stockdale was 58 years old, yet Vickers was the one deposed. Spotswood's letter provides the context: Vickers was the man chosen by Spotswood to obtain this information. Did Spotswood think that a younger man might be more idealistic and less experienced in deception than an older man? Or, did Spotswood think that Vickers was impressionable and willing to curb his testimony to fit the desires of possibly pirate-hating Spotswood himself? 

Reading Spotswood's letter gives clues as to his possible state of mind. He mentioned the dangers of a "Nest of Pirates" and that they could possibly grow by the addition of "loose disorderly people" from the logwood cutters at the Bay of Campeche on the Spanish mainland. This might have been professional concern, but his history and the later murder of Blackbeard in another colony seem extreme and may also indicate more than a professional pecuniary interest in rooting out pirates. Spotswood had recently dealt with Forbes and three others, pirates who wrecked upon Cape Hatteras (in North Carolina, BTW.. same place he went after Blackbeard) and were brought back to Virginia. They had since escaped. By this time, Spotswood had determined that the Proprietary government of northern Carolina was not trustworthy and he took upon himself the charge of policing their waters - as we later see with the expedition against Blackbeard in the Pamlico region. In May 1715, he also sent Capt. Harry Beverly on an expedition to Florida in Spanish territory to investigate Providence, but Beverly was caught in the Hurricane of 30 July 1715 which wrecked eleven Spanish treasure ships on the coast of Florida. 

Spotswood perhaps showed a tendency toward obsession in these matters that did not directly pertain to the administration of his colony. Spotswood might have been aware of his precarious position and noted in his letter that his authority came through:

... having power by a Commission from His late Majesty King William under the Great Seal of Admiralty for the appointment of the Officers of the Admiralty in these Islands to make particular enquiry into the state thereof: and to that end have encouraged the Master of a Sloop bound from hence on a Trading Voyage to these parts [the Bahamas] to mann extraordinarily the Vessel under his Command, and endeavour to obtain the best account he can of the number Strength and design of those Pirates....

But, any colonial administrator could have claimed this authority. Beverly and Vickers were actually sent on a spy mission for Spotswood. Was Spotswood perhaps abusing his authority? One could argue that he was merely more attentive to his admiralty duty than most negligent colonial administrators. Still, Spotswood and Beverly repeatedly insisted that Spotswood had the authority. When you often officially voice your authority, there's at least a chance that you're not quite certain that you had authority! The old "where there's smoke" argument. 

I know this seems quite critical, but that's the point, isn't it? Not all questions are answerable, but we must at least consider all possibilities and investigate what we can. Always ask questions! Again, this requires meticulous research - much easier and faster now in the computer age! But, veracity of the deposition should be established as well as possible before it is used to argue a point. The reputation of the historian is on the line with every conclusion he/she makes!

Finally, as to the deposition itself, we start with a timeline of the events mentioned (which originally appear somewhat out of chronological order). Placed in chronological order:

 ~ July 1715, Daniel Stillwell of Jamaica moved to the island of Eleuthera and went in a small shallop with John Kemp, Matthew Low, two Dutchmen, and [Jonathan] Darvill to Cuba stole 11,050 pieces of eight from a Spanish launch and took it back to Eleuthera. 

Later, Capt. Thomas Walker of Providence heard about the theft from the governor of Jamaica and took Stillwell and his vessel into custody, but Benjamin Hornigold arrived at Providence and declared all pirates were under his protection. He then had Stillwell and his vessel released.

👉Nov 1715 - Benjamin Hornigold arrives at Providence with sloop "Mary of Jamaica, owner Augustine Golding," and another "Spanish sloop" to dispose of the goods. BCBNote: Vickers then said "but, the Spanish Sloop was taken from the said Hornigold by Captain Jennings of the Sloop Bathsheba of Jamaica." Afterward, Jennings supposedly stayed in the Bahamas until Mar 1716. There are errors in this part - possibly because Vickers may have been told about these events and may not have actually witnessed them. 

Jan 1716 - Hornigold leaves Providence in "said sloop Mary" and captures another Spanish sloop off Florida. Hornigold fits out the Spanish sloop and sent Golding's "Mary" back to him.

~1 Mar 1716 -  Capt. Fernandez of Jamaica in sloop Bennett took a Spanish sloop and robbed them of about "Three Millions of money" and split the shares at Providence, then went back to the north shore of Jamaica. 

Mar 1716 - Hornigold leaves Providence in his new Floridian prize - the captured Spanish sloop.  

👉Mar 1716 - Jennings departs Providence. 

👉22 Apr 1716 - Jennings arrives at Providence with a French sloop taken at Bahia Honda on Cuban Coast. Jennings takes this sloop to the wrecks off Florida to fish for treasure. 

Vickers then mentions there are about 50 men who deserted while fishing the wrecks and caused disorders at Providence. 

He tells of Thomas Barrow, formerly mate of a Jamaican Brigantine, who stole money and goods from a Spanish Marquis - now wants to go pirating. Barrow claims to be governor of Providence and says that 5-600 more Jamaicans will join them to make war on French & Spanish, but will leave English vessels alone. But, Barrow later took a New England Brigantine in Providence Harbor and a Bermuda sloop, beat and confined its master Butler, then discharged the sloop.

It's also common for the sailors there, says Vickers, to extort money from the inhabitants. Stockdale was extorted as well, but then Barrow and Peter Parr gave Stockdale a receipt for the money he paid them.

These events were jotted down from memory, somewhat out of order. Moreover, Hornigold may indeed have arrived in Nov 1715 with a sloop named Mary, but having a sloop "Mary" stolen from him by Jennings did not happen until April 1716. Vickers confused these two events - Jennings arriving on 22 Apr 1716 is probably correct and the date when Jennings took back the French sloop - not Spanish. That's why I've marked it in colored text. 

According to three other depositions about theft of two French sloops at Bahia Honda on the coast of Cuba, Jennings in Bathsheba and two other sloops had taken these ships in Apr 1716. They were Mary of Rochelle and Marianne. Hornigold and his men stole Mary of Rochelle from Jennings et al. Hornigold then took the ship back to Providence and Jennings followed him there. That could be the 22 Apt 1716 date given by Vickers - incidentally the month before he gave the deposition, so a recent event. The earlier date, however, of March 1716 for when Jennings left Providence may have been in error. These depositions can be found here, here, and here. 

Henry Jennings followed Hornigold back to Providence that April 1716 and then took Mary of Rochelle back from him, leaving him with Marianne. This Marianne is the same one taken from Hornigold by Samuel Bellamy when they later parted company with Hornigold. 

Yeah, my brain hurt when I researched this the first time. Persistence and thorough research was the key! Many researchers have confused these events and I believed they needed a thorough investigation to confirm them.

Vickers was a reasonably accurate reporter, but he had probably only heard some of Hornigold's deeds as hearsay in Providence bars (Nov 1715 data) and may have actually seen Jennings take Mary of Rochelle away from Hornigold in late April 1716 and assumed it was the same vessel Mary that belonged to Augustine Golding of Jamaica. An honest mistake, really.... 

 

Spotswood's Failed Attempt to Steal Spanish Treasure!

 

Three views of Mammon, Greed, or John Milton's "Devil of Covetousness" It's quite obvious how "Mammon's" appearance changed through time from the 18th century until now - from a little-feared miserly old man to finally corrupting into the actual Devil himself! The beast of Mammon matured after the United States confidently became a nation.

Americans are absolutely obsessed with and covetous of property. But, why? Have Americans always been greedy, or was this a learned behavior?  Property had special meaning to the population of a land-starved island nation like Great Britain - America's motherland. Property became the basis for the freehold, franchise, or the right to vote - actual political power over others. As the British Isles filled with people, this power became a premium and localized in the hands of only a few. It's estimated that, in the eighteenth century, only 3% of the population of Great Britain had the right to vote - a right so absolutely cherished by Americans today - a right then solely dependent on property ownership. 

How did that change - specifically for America - as opposed to Great Britain - and a new nation of Mammon-worshiping property-owners evolving from that land-starved island nation? 

LAND! Pure power - glorious dirt that glittered like silver or gold treasure! America was thought by Europeans to be virtually unlimited in land. It was a dream or utopia to all Europeans, but especially to island-dwelling Protestant Englishmen.

Only one problem: that vast unlimited land - that access to ultimate power - was already possessed by Catholic Spain. This was an annoying fact to not only previously (before the Spanish Armada failure of 1588) power-starved Englishmen, but also the Native American or Indians who had first lost their land to the Catholics the century before! 

Of course, Indians lost more than just land - their remarkably tolerant Creator also suffered great discrimination and abuse by all Christians! Indians might find solace in the fact that Christians just as often abused each other - it seems that Protestants and Catholics rarely got along and appeared to truly worship no god at all, but greed itself - treasure, or Mammon, the "Devil of Covetousness!"

How was the land-starved Englishman to obtain a piece of Spanish America? For the English in 1663/5, it was merely an act of claiming Spain's territory - yeah, just saying, or writing on paper that they owned it!

 

Clearly, actual possession meant having to steal it, as the Spanish had done to the technologically less-advantageous Indians and created the piratical land "beyond the lines of amity" in the first place!

Owing to the fact that the Atlantic Ocean most obviously blocked their way, theft on the water, or piracy and marine raids were the chosen methods of the greedy Englishman to relieve Spain of its stolen property - to possess it for themselves, not to return it to its rightful owners, of course.

Of course, the idea of "property" evolved a bit in this martial Mammon-loving American atmosphere into more than just land - thanks to sugar or "White Gold." Slaves - the engine of sugar wealth - also became precious objects to be possessed. Specie, of course, was always valuable, as the non-imaginary measure of value itself. That the United States inherited Mammon's capitalism from its early piratical English forebears reveals itself in the American "dollar" named and valued after the Spanish "piece of eight" dollar. The older generation of American today may remember referring to a quarter dollar as "two bits" or 1/4 of "eight bits" or the traditional division of Spanish "piece of eight" coins into eight parts or "bits."

But, stealing Spain's wealth - silver and gold cobs, or Spanish dollars and jewels - while it resulted in little enduring power, it still provided immediate benefits of instant wealth, the quick and gratuitous path to Mammon! Not to mention that it would deliver further blows to the Catholics! British citizens of means invested regularly in privateer and wreck-fishing enterprises to steal Spain's treasure. 

One Spanish wreck in the late 17th century afforded a small group of five English investors - including the king himself - a chance to make virtual fortunes... enough for one of them to build a new mansion in Kent! This was only one Spanish treasure ship!

On July 30, 1715, a hurricane crossed through the Windward Isles and slammed directly into La Florida at precisely the same moment that Spain's long-held-up treasure fleet, consisting of eleven treasure galleons with three years worth of the income for Seville aboard, passed through the straits of Florida on their way home. Eleven treasure ships were blown against the shallow shores, spilling 14 million pesos worth in silver alone... not to mention whatever value the gold and jewels might add to this golden siren's lusty song!

Mariners from all across the Atlantic community jumped to the altar to worship Mammon - or covet some treasure for themselves.

One of those men by the name of Josiah Forbes, mariner of Philadelphia, made a fateful provisioning call at Virginia on his way back from the Florida wrecks. The acting governor of Virginia - of gentlemanly stature - even royal, owing to his family connections to the ruling King George I - was Lt. Gov. Alexander Spotswood. 

Spotswood, perhaps for the first time, glimpsed the massive proceeds possible from the wrecks in Forbes' hull and, of course, held him on suspicion of piracy - if for no other reason than to keep him in Virginia. He later wrote - attempting to formalize his decision to hold his prisoner - that Forbes had  since been discovered to have been imprisoned by the Spanish and having escaped them before sailing for Virginia. There you have it! Forbes was already a criminal to their "friends" the Spanish!

Despite all the warnings - and being possessed by Mammon - the corrupt idea probably leapt from Spotswood's greedy brain that he might get some of that treasure for himself! And... of course (tongue firmly planted in cheek), to further the national goals of Great Britain - God Bless the King!

There had also been rumors of much competition - a great many mariners of every sort collecting on the island of New Providence to fish the very same wrecks. They also raided vessels who had already fished the wrecks and took their treasure - I mean, why do the dangerous job of diving when you didn't have to? Not to put too fine a point on it, but many upstanding gentlemen lost many a good slave that way...

Another thing that Spotswood must have considered: How long would the treasure hold out with that many people fishing it up from the sea floor? Spotswood had to act quickly if he would benefit from this golden opportunity...

Still, the acting chief of Virginia was far too genteel and could not fish the treasure himself. So, he chose another man - a partner of sorts - to take care of the dirty business for him. 

Capt. Harry Beverly, styled - after 1720 - of "New-lands," or the newest lands of his 32,000 acres, or his plantation in Spotsylvania County, Virginia, would build a vessel and sail for such a king's ransom in Spotswood's stead.

Beverly was a man of means - son of Major Robert Beverly - an original immigrant in 1663 (coincidentally, when Carolina first claimed Spain's New World territory). Harry was then a first generation American born to the gentlemanly immigrant Beverly family of Beverly, Yorkshire. The Beverlys became founding fathers in Virginia, along with other allied families such as Carters, Armisteads, Churchills, and Fairfax. They became ancestors of great statesmen and presidents of the United States!

There would be many investors in this venture as well as Spotswood - all rich and some, just as wealthy as Spotswood. Indeed, Beverly's entire family had hoped for a piece of the coveted Spanish wealth as evidenced by his step-sister Elizabeth Churchill's notation in her will of 1716 "if Mr. Harry Beverley brings back any money or other returns from the wrecks, her share should go to certain of her grandchildren." The "other returns" may have referred to silver and gold plate or jewels. All treasure was most welcome. 

The Beverly's were already quite wealthy - Harry himself, of course, owning as many as 32,000 acres of land at the time of his death. So, the expected immense fortune in specie only sparked a side-diversion for these early wealthy Americans - they did not need the money. But, adventure was in the offing! For Beverly, this expedition would resemble an international playboy's fancy, if you will. 

Beverly needed help building his vessel and engaged his step-brother Walter Keeble - less than ten years apart in age and likely close for most of their 30 something years, as of 1716. Together, according to CO 137/12, they had a square-sterned sloop constructed on the Piankatank River, on the south side of their then Middlesex County residence. Spotswood armed this sloop Virgin with eight cannon from his own colonial stores, obviously anticipating trouble in those Spanish waters. 

Sloops offshore at Virginia

Spotswood would have to be politically delicate. The English and Spanish were then at peace. The War of the Spanish Succession or Queen Anne's War had just ended in 1714. The original claim of Carolina in 1663/5 would take time to actualize. Any theft from the Spanish had to be covert, so as not to begin another international incident - not right away, at any rate. The war had been a long one and the king undoubtedly did not want to start again so soon. They must at least pretend to honor the treaty while getting whatever they could of the treasure. 

On 15th of June 1716, Lt. Gov. Spotswood commissioned Beverly's Virgin and gave him instructions... these instructions (in CO 5/1317), of course, mention the source of the treasure first:

Whereas I have Received Information that divers Ships Richly Laden having been cast away in the Channel of Bahama & other...

The all-capitalized part about "Ships Richly Laden" I'm sure never went unnoticed. And, then, his wording proceeded to his competitors:

... and that under pretence of fishing for the Said Wreck'd Goods, divers persons as well his Majesties Subjects as others have Assembled themselves with their Vessells armed and equipped in Warlike manner, commiting depredations & other Acts of Hostility, upon the Spaniards & other Nations in Amity with His Majesty [at peace; Treaty of Utrecht] and that the Said persons have also taken possession of the Island of Providence, and intend to  Strengthen themselves there under a Governor of their own choosing...

Oh, Spotswood's words made him appear quite concerned about their Spanish neighbors! Well, he was a royal official who should at least appear to be doing his duty!

As to Bahamian pirates - or, his challengers for the treasure - the literately loquacious Spotswood never made any pretense about his disgust for these wannabee usurpers of authority and "low-life" commoners in his lengthy diatribes. Annoying for such a refined gentleman as he, these "ne'er do wells" occupying New Providence and fishing his wrecks were a nuisance to all - and a threat to all legitimate attempts to steal/fish the treasure!

On 23rd June, Beverley departed from Virginia. According to Spotswood in his complaint to the Board of Trade, Beverly's voyage did not go well from the start:

... two days after he left the Capes of Virginia he mett with a strong wind at South West, which carry'd him into the latitude of 28d. 40m. and longitude of 6 degrees [east - approx. longitude of Bermuda] from the said Capes, where on 5th July he found himself close by a ship and a sloop, which proved to be a Spanish man of war called the St. Juan Baptista, commanded by Don Joseph Rocher de la Pena...

... The man of war fired three shots at Beverley's sloop (which had the English colours flying on board) and then ordered him to come on board, where (without ever looking into his papers or so much as asking for them) only demanding from whence he came, he was made prisoner and his boats crew confined apart. The men of the Spanish ship immediately went on board his sloop, beat and stript all the men[,] broke open their chests, plundered and carry'd off all the cargo, and brought the men [as] prisoners on board the man of war, where they were forced naked as they were to work as the Spaniards ordered them, except Beverley himself, and Mr. Peter Whiting and George [Keeble] his officers.

On the 30th they arrived at Porto Rico, where the Spaniards sold most of the goods belonging to Beverley's sloop, and then on 11th May, they came to St. Domingo.

At both which places Beverley[,] conscious of his honest intentions, desired a trial but was denyed, untill they should arrive at La Vera Crux, whither the Spanish Commander declared he intended to carry his prisoners. It appears also by the letters from Beverley that he had sent divers letters to the Governour of St. Domingo, setting forth his case, and praying for a tryal, but no answer was returned, neither was Beverley or any of his men suffered to go on shoar or permitted to speak to anyone at either of these places, and since 14th Aug. Beverley nor any of his men have been heard of.

Spotswood seemed to scream out to his fellow Englishmen, "Oh, the horror!"

Apparently, Rocher and the Mexican government never believed Beverly's protestations of innocence. Only six months before, Jamaica's anti-pirate privateer Henry Jennings simply walked onto the beaches of the Spanish territory of La Florida - at St. Sebastian Inlet, even below the 29th parallel or the southern limits of the Carolina "claim" - and stole all the treasure already recovered by their salvers and spiking their cannon as they left - for good measure. This was clearly an act of war - it appeared that Jennings was not so worried about restarting the just-ended conflict and again violating the treaty! 

This fact never seemed to cross Spotswood's or Beverly's mind... that the Spanish were already pissed and would take action against any English vessel they might! The Spanish could have opted to declare the treaty null and void after Jennings' Christmas 1715 raid of their treasure - on their own land! What made the Englishmen so sure that the Spanish would just let them take what they wanted and then shake hands - maybe tip back a few mugs of Sangria - with Beverly?

After all, the English pirates and terrorists in Campeche, Mexico had just been expelled from Laguna de Terminos by the Barlovento Squadron out of Vera Cruz that summer, too! By 1716, the Spanish had had quite enough loss from these Englishmen!

Maybe Spotswood hoped that Beverly would just not get caught stealing Spanish property - or treasure. Might it be that Spotswood and Beverly simply took the chance of missing Rocher or any other Spanish Man-of-War that might be out there in the wide-open seas. Beverly was possibly secretly ordered by Spotswood to just take what he could and hightail it back to Virginia. The "official commission" of going after Bahamian pirates might have been simply a ruse to avoid later legalities if caught. We'll likely never know since Beverly never even made it to New Providence before he was captured!

===== update: 3-24-2021 ==============================

In CO 137/12, a letter from Beverley's crew dated December 9, 1716, a few months after arriving at Vera Cruz tells that Beverly intended to go the Bahamas after more treasure from the Spanish wrecks, since they "in hopes to find a Wreck there, having found three Saylors Chests on the Shore among these Islands." Beverley's crew later opted for a piece of the action, as opposed to monthly wages, hoping that the chests were full of treasure. The Spanish undoubtedly suspected Beverly and crew of another operation similar to Jenning's. Still, Beverley, in his next letter of March 6th, 1717, suggests that Lt. Gov. Spotswood's intel of the sea chests ashore at New Providence came to him in May 1716 - the month before commissioning Beverly and Virgin. Therefore, it's likely that Spotswood wanted to collect that Spanish money - not to help the Spanish with their pirate problem. 

====================================================

Virginia "privateer" Capt. Harry Beverly eventually made it back to his base of Virginia... but, only after the Spanish had thoroughly satiated their anger at Henry Jennings, Harry Beverly, Alexander Spotswood, or any other Protestant heretic thief that might have hoped to steal from them. They ruined the English plans of Spotswood, sold their merchandise, and condemned Virgin. What's more, Rocher and his Barlovento Squadron from Vera Cruz, Mexico most likely captured these annoying English criminals often! Many wreck-fishing vessels must have been condemned at La Vera Cruz.

Jamaican Gov. Lord Archibald Hamilton attempted the same trickery against the Spanish with his ten-privateer fleet in winter of 1715 - to "hunt pirates" - following the wreck of the Spanish fleet in the hurricane earlier that summer. The result was that Henry Jennings - one of those privateers - outright violated the treaty and invaded Spanish La Florida, angering Spain and causing a backlash against English aggression.

I rather think the Spanish had every right to imprison these English terrorists - if one believes in the traditional real (in the sense of property) precept of ownership being 9/10ths equal to possession. 

Some Americans today might disagree with me on anachronistic terms because today, we merely view the victims here as Spanish and Catholic and know that the English successfully stole their property - now, Americans own La Florida!

But, aren't those Americans thieves and racists? Just like the Spanish before them? And we grew up in a nation of piratical Mammon worshipers, so our angry anti-Catholic, anti-Spanish opinions might be skewed by race, greed and the capitalistic profit motive.  

A General History of the Pyrates perhaps said it best when it called America a "Commonwealth of Pyrates!"

I agree. America is the quintessential nation built by greed, Mammon - the commonwealth, the land "beyond the lines of amity!" To the victor go the spoils! 

Only now - after gaining possession of Spain's property - American thieves and racists claim to be democratic and pretend to respect each others' opinions.

Pirate References in Le Nouveau Mercure - June 1718

p. 174-175:

OF JUNE

SPAIN, AND PORTUGAL
In Lisbon, June 8

... A large English forban [pirate] having entered the River on the 3rd during a very thick fog, landed a vessel of his Nation, which to have its charge, cut the Cables, took it away with impunity: it has just arrived a [French frigate] which led here a Corsair of Salé, assembled of 38 pieces of Canon & 130 men of crew: He had taken an English vessel coming from the Ladders of the Levant.

We have just heard that the flotilla from Brazil was within reach of the Coasts of Portugal. Two richly loaded Spanish vessels, coming from the South Sea, before met on their way to the sea, joined her to take advantage of her escort, & for not to be surprised by the Forbans [pirates] who crossed in these Seas.


p. 212-213:

JOURNAL OF PARIS.

... On the 30th, we learned that 3 Maloinish [Malines, the French name for the Flemish city of Mechelen in modern Belgium] Vessels escaping from Sieur Martinet in the South Sea, have returned to S. Malo. Their return consoled the Maloins a little for the loss of the former. There is no more surprising advance war than that which happened to them on the way. They meet at the height of S. Domingue, 2 pirates, one of 250 men of crew, & the other, of 200. These before sent on board a boat with six officers, came to offer them piastres, to barter for some goods they said they needed. They were gladly satisfied on the spot: But, the boat would not soon have rejoined its vessels, that these pirates were flying the black flag with the skulls. As the Maloins were too weak to resist, they decided to echo each other, at the risk of perishing. Honestly for the latter, it rose a moment after a wind so violent, that it raised them up and threw them back into the open sea, without being damaged. On the contrary, these corsairs having begun a little too much to follow their [prey?], the same wind which had saved some, soon caused the loss of the others; since the largest of these pirates went to burn a moment later, against a Rock, & the second was carried on a sand bank where he ground. It was not possible for the Maloins to approach it, because the wind thwarts they deem it more appropriate to continue their journey. They report that there are on these 2 vessels, more than 12 million in piastas, taken from the Portuguese.

-------------------------------------------------------------

Quest for Blackbeard: The True Story of Edward Thache and His World

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by Baylus C. Brooks (Author) Format: Kindle Edition

Price: $19.99

Pirate References in Le Nouveau Mercure - April 1718

p. 148

MILORDS ET MESSIEURS

... It is written from Carolina that 60 Pirates came to return to the Governor, and 200 others, with one of their Commandants, to the Governor [Bennett] of Bermuda.

It has been said at Jamaica, that Captain Jennings [at least for Jennings, surrendered in Bermuda] Chief of the Pirates, & 4 or 5 others of the most considerable, also submitted in accordance with the Proclamation of the King.

Captain Rogers, who was on his departure for the Isle of Providence, in order to unearth the Forbans [pirates], received a counter-order, leaving that the Court was informed that these Corsairs are so well fortified, & are so great number, that it is not possible to [subdue] them with little force: That thus, one will be obliged to increase those which were designed for this expedition.

p. 159:

PORTUGAL,

In Lisbon, April 6.

... We also suspended the armament of 8 larger warships, & we stopped working on the construction of 5 new warships, & two new [frigates] which had been placed on the sites, for about 12 days . Only two second-tier vessels will be armed, in addition to those that served in the Levant last year; & all our naval forces will make up this campaign only of 16 vessels of line & 4 [frigates], which will be used to convoy our merchant fleets, & to cross on the Corsairs of Salé, & on the English pirates who sail these seas, where they often take.

p. 160:

SPAIN.

In A Coruña: 6.

Of the 4 warships of the Spanish squadron which flit along the Coté pour la lurete du Commerce, 2 made re-enter this Pig with two of the biggest Corsairs of Salé which they took after three hours of combat, between this place & Vigo. One of the Saltins vessels was mounted with 84 pieces of cannon & 280 men of Crews: They also brought back three vessels; to know, two Portuguese & an Englishman, that these Pirates had taken off the boat in the evening towards the Cape of Finestere; the other two Spanish ships there entered at one o'clock in the afternoon, with two English Forbans taken twelve thousand miles below the Cape of Bilbao, where these Forbans had been cruising for three weeks. All the crews of these sea skimmers, which number more than 700, were to leave this port in a few days, to be transported to Cadiz where they will be used to reinforce the Chiourmes des Galeres. We were working to repair the two Saltins Vessels which are new and very good sailing ships, to join them to the wing, which, after linking, to join it to the wing, which, after this junction, will be separated in two, from 9 warships each; one of which will cross to the costes of Andalusia, & the other, on the Coasts of Galicia & Vizcaya, to enhance trade in Spain & Portugal with other Foreign Nations. In case of rupture with England, these two squadrons will join to compose with those which one builds in the ports of these Costes; which will form a small fleet of 25 warships.

Pirate References in Le Nouveau Mercure - September 1718

p. 129:

"List of Spanish vessels taken, burn, sink, bottom, & of those who escape;
Vessels caught."

Letters from Bermuda indicate that several of the English Forbans, who returned there to accept the pardon of Roy, went back to start their piracies again. As their number increases in the Isle of Providence, and since they have taken several considerable captures recently, the Court cannot dispense with sending larger forces to America to dislodge them.

p. 134-135:

GALICIA [province in Spain].

In Coruña on September 11.

On the afternoon of the 6th, 4 of the largest warships, which sailed along this coast on the Ostend shipowners, on the Corsairs & the Forbans [pirates], set sail from here for Cadiz, with three [frigates] & 22 cargo ships , on which 38,000 Infantry Men, & 900 horses, both Cavalry and Dragons, were embarked. These troops who confined here during the summer, will disembark in Cadiz, from where they will go by land to Malaga; the Regiment of Catalan Dragons which left here yesterday morning to go to embark in Vigo, having been unable to do so for lack of vessels.

p. 137-138:

In Vigo on September 11

A Madrid Express arrived yesterday evening, with orders from the Court to our Commander, to silence from this Port all the war ships that are ready to set sail. We embarked on these vessels, about 366 prisoners that our 2 [frigates] took from 2 Ostend shipowners.

It has been two days since we started to record the new levies made recently in this Kingdom: They will compose 2 infantry regiments of 16 companies, of 50 men each, & will only form a battalion of 800 men each . The Horses intended to put together the new regiments of Cavalry & Dragons are expected tomorrow.

The two [frigates] who are Coastguards here, recently brought two large Forbans [pirates], of 182 crew each: They took them thirty miles from this port: They have been cruising for three months under the Imperial flag, saying Ostend shipowners. As it was recognized that their patents were false, they were all put in irons, as were the crew of a Corsair from Algiers, whom the same [frigates] had removed eight days previously; & waits until the Commander is a Venetian renegade he will send to Seville, to be judged by the Inquiry.

p. 140:

ANDALUSIA.

In Cadiz, September 10.

One of our Frigates returned to the Port on the 15th, with a shipowner of thirty pieces of cannon, and sixty men the crew of different Nations. Although this building was taken bearing the Imperial pavilion, all the crews have been locked up in the prisons of this City; being suspected of being a forban [pirate].

Pirate Reference in Le Nouveau Mercure - April 1719

p. 206-207:

In Cadiz on April 12.

We got advice from Vigo, that the two [frigates] crossing along from the Galician [NW Iberian Peninsula] coast, had brought there two Ostend shipowners whom they had removed [taken] on the 3rd of this month, 20 miles beyond the Canary Islands: they had taken up at the same time a Spanish vessel coming from Mexico, richly loaded. A [frigate] of 40 pieces of cannon & 200 men of Crew, similarly led in the port of A Coruña [port in Galicia] a large merchant vessel, carrying the imperial flag, which it had taken towards the Cape of Saint Mary [Newfoundland]. This same [frigate] to have brought an English forban [pirate] there that she had met near Cape S. Vincent.

By Letters from Barcelona of the 4th of this month, we learned that the convoy which was in the harbor of this place, had been held there for 10 days by the headwinds. There were still 15 ships from Alicante [port of Valencia, Spain] waiting for them, under the escort of a warship & a frigate.

Two Engineers were ordered to go to Terragona [Mediterranean coast of Spain], to hasten the works on this Place, & to add new works there. These Engineers must then go to the Isles des Alsache [Alsace, France]; which are at the mouth of the Ebro [river in Spain], to build some redoubts there.

Plate, Silver, Gold, Jewels and other Merchandise!

1754 Bellin Map of Veracruz, Mexico

 From a traditional English perspective, the 1716 capture of Virginia's sloop Virgin and her crew were acts of Spanish piracy. However, their captor was Don Joseph Rocher de la Peña (b.1651-d.1737 while mayor of Veracruz City), the Rear-Admiral of their elite Barlovento squadron, stationed at Veracruz, Mexico since 1640 -  not exactly a pirate. The state of Veracruz (within which the city of Veracruz sits), comprised most of the Mexican western shoreline in the Bay of Campeche, plagued incessantly by English pirates who liked to steal Spanish logwood from the Bay of Campeche since the days of 17th-century English Buccaneers. In 1684, the Spanish attacked the main stronghold of these "buccaneers" in Charles Town, now known as Nassau - on the Island of Providence in the Bahamas.

Bay of Campeche

Virgin's crew had been confined under allegedly extreme conditions, if we are to believe the reports from their captain Harry Beverley, a wealthy Virginian and former House of Burgesses representative for Middlesex County. Beverley owned more than 3,000 acres of prime Virginia real estate by the time of his 1716 venture to seek pirates - but perhaps more importantly - to seek the wrecked Spanish flota or squadron (in hurricane of 1715) presumed by Lt. Gov. Alexander Spotswood to be somewhere between the Bahamas and the then-Spanish territory of La Florida's east shore.

Was Spotswood merely interested in preserving the recent Treaty of Utrecht between his mother country of Great Britain and Spain? Or, was he a pirate facilitator himself, interested mostly in the spilled treasure on the coast of Spanish Florida?

For a simple colonial statesman, Spotswood concentrated a great deal of his attention at this time on wreck-fishing technology... and on finding out exactly where the wrecks lay! Spotswood specifically suggested fishing the Spanish wrecks as a way of increasing British income, despite the dubious legalities. English Jamaicans wholly supported this effort as well, as Capt John Balchen of HMS Diamond testified. Gov. Lord Archibald Hamilton of Jamaica was determined guilty of exactly the same method: commissioning privateers to take pirates, but then fishing illegally on the Spanish wrecks instead - i.e. becoming a pirate!

Oddly enough, Spotswood later claims that Beverley was blown off course and captured near Bermuda: "The said sloop was taken upon the high seas near the Island of Bermuda, and had never been within some hundreds of leagues of any of the Spanish Dominions." The story he told almost a year later went:

 On 23rd June Beverley departed from Virginia since wch, there is advice from him by letters dated at St. Domingo on Hispaniola the 14th Aug., that two days after he left the Capes of Virginia he mett with a strong wind at South West, which carry'd him into the latitude of 28d. 40m. [approx. latitude of Orlando, Florida] and longitude of 6 degrees [east or west?; 6 deg. west puts him in Florida, near the wrecks] from the said Capes, where on 5th July he found himself close by a ship and a sloop, which proved to be a Spanish man of war called the St. Juan Baptista, commanded by Don Joseph Rocher de la Pena, and the sloop his tender. The man of war fired three shots at Beverley's sloop (which had the English colours flying on board) and then ordered him to come on board, where (without ever looking into his papers or so much as asking for them) only demanding from whence he came, he was made prisoner and his boats crew confined apart. The men of the Spanish ship immediately went on board his sloop, beat and stript all the men broke open their chests, plundered and carry'd off all the cargo, and brought the men prisoners on board the man of war, where they were forced naked as they were to work as the Spaniards ordered them, except Beverley himself, and Mr. Peter Whiting and George Heeble his officers. On the 30th they arrived at Porto Rico, where the Spaniards sold most of the goods belonging to Beverley's sloop, and then on 11th May, they came to St. Domingo. At both which places Beverley conscious of his honest intentions, desired a trial but was denyed, untill they should arrive at La Vera Crux, whither the Spanish Commander declared he intended to carry his prisoners.

The coordinates could mean that Beverley was taken, six weeks after leaving the Capes of Virginia, by Admiral Rocher precisely at the location of the wrecks - which the Spanish still guarded - or he could have been hundreds of miles east of the Bahamas - but, nowhere near Bermuda! Spotswood simply interpreted it as the latter, for the preservation of his own representation - having signed Beverley's letter of marque.

Beverley's instructions in that letter of marque from Spotswood, like those of Hamilton's to his "privateers," were to go to the Bahamas (in the other direction from Bermuda) and report back... especially on the whereabouts of the wrecks that Bahamians were fishing... on the coast of La Florida - a Spanish territory! My suspicions are that Beverley did just that... with six weeks between leaving Virginia and being captured.

What exactly was he doing if not fishing the wrecks or spying on the Spanish who were? Again, how far was he captured from the wrecks by Admiral Rocher in the warship St. Juan Baptiste?

Actually, 28 degrees, 40 minutes was the latitude of Cape Canaveral, Florida - about the northernmost range of the known wrecks' location and near the Spanish salvage camps at St. Sebastien Inlet. Nassau, the main town of the Bahamas, where Beverley was supposed to go first to gather intel on pirates, lay at about 25 degrees. The longitude given, if 6 deg. west, put him dead on Florida, west of Orlando. But, 6 deg. east put Beverley and his sloop Virgin, far east from Florida, at approx. 70 deg. of current longitude or 500 miles east of the Bahamas - still nowhere near Bermuda! Admiral Rocher had no reason to be out there. He would remain closer to the wrecks on the Florida shore to guard them against pirates, as were the Barlovento squadron's orders since 1640.

Nassau, New Providence Island in the Bahamas is at latitude 25 deg.

I'd love to know the official Spanish account of the capture... including the exact location. But... Spotswood claims the official English version (Beverley's more than six weeks of being "off course"... possible, yes... probable? You decide. He may have needed an excuse for being so far north after so much time.)...  Spotswood lied for his pirate. And, Beverley likely covered his aft quarters after being caught red-handed fishing illegally, if you get my drift (the puns are far too easy here, huh?).

Furthermore, Spotswood added "and since 14th Aug. [1716] Beverley nor any of his men have been heard of" as though the Spanish Catholics were evil (religious discrimination? racism?) and did all of this on purpose just to evilly torture some Englishmen! Spotswood's story, if you'll pardon yet another pun, just doesn't hold water for me... I say he facilitated piracy and Beverley was the one committing a crime.

Discrimination against the Spanish is a long-time American tradition! The English came to America to steal Spanish wealth - not much had changed after more than a century - even since the English defeat of the Spanish Armada in 1588 - a defeat that originally signaled the weakness of the Spanish Empire! Englishmen literally first came to America as pirates!

It's not much of a surprise that English wills of the time included bequeathals of "Plate, Silver, Gold, Jewels, and other Merchandise," material reflections of Spanish American wealth!

There's a lot more to this international political episode related thru "English-colored glasses" for the past few centuries in Capt. Charles Johnson's A General History of the Pyrates. Perhaps the best way to look at this event is not by reading Johnson... er... London newspaper publisher Nathaniel Mist's... highly controversial polemic that pretends to be a "history."  Historians don't use polemics! The primary sources combined with good old fashioned professional history should do nicely!

I here present to you the actual primary English (and probably quite biased) evidence involved in this case - evidence that may have jump-started British merchants to go against "pirates" in America! I'm still looking for Admiral Rocher's version...

YeahYeah... I blame the British War on the Golden Age of Piracy on Alexander Spotswood, but he wrote a lot of letters and annoyed a lot of people... so he was a good candidate!

Commission of the Privateer Virgin, Capt. Harry Beverley—15 June 1716

----------------------------------------

BLACKBEARD: 300 YEARS OF FAKE NEWS.
from BBC Radio Bristol
300 years ago on Thursday - 22 November 1718 - Bristol born Edward Teach (aka Blackbeard, the most famous pirate in the history of the world), was killed in a violent battle off the coast of North America. And after 300 years we can finally separate the truth from the myth. You can hear the whole story this Thursday at 9am in a one off BBC Radio Bristol special: BLACKBEARD: 300 YEARS OF FAKE NEWS. With new research by Baylus C. Brooks, narrated by Bristol born Kevin McNally - Joshamee Gibbs in PIRATES OF THE CARIBBEAN, and produced by Tom Ryan and Sheila Hannon this is a very different Blackbeard from the one in the story books...

https://www.bbc.co.uk/programmes/p06s6zfx

You can hear it at https://www.bbc.co.uk/radio/player/bbc_radio_bristol

Author Spotlight

#Blackbeard #pirate #twitterstorians


Also:

Three Centuries After His Beheading, a Kinder, Gentler Blackbeard Emerges - Smithsonian Online

By Andrew Lawler
smithsonian.com
November 13, 2018



Read about the final end of Edward Thache:
Murder at Ocracoke! Power and Profit in the Killing of Edward "Blackbeard" Thache



In commemoration of "Blackbeard 300 Tri-Centennial":

As always, drop by baylusbrooks.com and check out the primary source transcriptions

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