Excerpt from the book, Pirates & Slaves: Making America, available at Lulu.com and on Amazon.com and other major booksellers, detailing the first-ever published complete story of gentleman pirate, Richard Tookerman of South Carolina (No... Stede Bonnet of Barbados was not the only one!):
As for the details
pertaining to Stede Bonnet’s capture, escape, and [David] Herriot’s aid, deposition,
and death, there was more to this tale than most authors have revealed. And,
the life of mariner Richard Tookerman, his wife Katherine, and their family of
Goose Creek, South Carolina reveals a bit more about South Carolina’s ingrained
piratical nature itself. It lends an excellent example toward understanding the
generally favorable outlook upon pirates and piracy as opposed to the official
stance against it. Aristocrats not involved in that sort of business hated it
for the trouble that it caused them. Those involved in it took great pride in
being a pirate and those of the majority who benefited from it treated pirates
as great heroes. The result created a greatly favorable response to piracy and
the political effect usually resulted in a general complacence and acceptance
of piracy – except from those directly affected by it, like the merchants of
Charles Town. Still, the majority voices cannot be heard in the official
correspondence; only the official reactions to it can occasionally be
ascertained. Tookerman also appeared perhaps as flamboyant and bold as Edward
Thache himself. Then again, pirates played to a receptive audience and merely
danced around the less popular authorities trying to arrest them.
Robert E. Lee, who
studied the available records in great detail in his book on pirates, never
brings Tookerman up. Surprising that such a wealth of information on one pirate
would be ignored when a lack thereof literally handicaps the history of others.
Neither does every other pirate author prior to the twenty-first century, except Johnson, mention this man. There is a virtual mound of documentation on this flashy
aristocratic Jacobite pirate that many, especially in America’s South, may have
found an uncomfortable reflection upon their past.[1]
Neither does David
Cordingly mention Tookerman nor Marcus Rediker in his social treatment of
pirate history, though they may have been influenced by past historiography.
The man never appeared in any of the older treatments on pirates of the Golden
Age. Recently (2008), Maine resident and pirate researcher Colin Woodard,
however, gives Tookerman a paragraph. Furthermore, an even more recent
treatment exploring Women in English Piracy
by John C. Appleby goes into greater detail, explaining Tookerman’s further
associations at the Bahamas, Barbados, and Jamaica, including his later arrest
by then-Captain Edward Vernon in Port Royal Harbor.[2]
Added info (1-23-2016) : Richard Tookerman, born in Devon, Cornwall on May 16, 1691, was probably the younger brother of Jamaican clergyman and schoolmaster of St. Catherine’s Parish, Josias Tookerman, assigned there in late 1709 from the Leeward Islands. By 1714, Josias became a member of the Governor’s Council. Josias would have been charged with the education of the presumed Blackbeard's younger siblings and daughter: Cox, Rachel, Thomas, and Elizabeth Thache, in the early years of their education. Josias and Richard were the elder sons of Rev. Josias and Alice Tookerman. Other siblings included Joseph and Grace. Josias Sr. graduated from Oxford and first served at the family seat of Devon, then in East Riding Parish of Yorkshire, where he passed away in 1710.[1]
Added info (1-23-2016) : Richard Tookerman, born in Devon, Cornwall on May 16, 1691, was probably the younger brother of Jamaican clergyman and schoolmaster of St. Catherine’s Parish, Josias Tookerman, assigned there in late 1709 from the Leeward Islands. By 1714, Josias became a member of the Governor’s Council. Josias would have been charged with the education of the presumed Blackbeard's younger siblings and daughter: Cox, Rachel, Thomas, and Elizabeth Thache, in the early years of their education. Josias and Richard were the elder sons of Rev. Josias and Alice Tookerman. Other siblings included Joseph and Grace. Josias Sr. graduated from Oxford and first served at the family seat of Devon, then in East Riding Parish of Yorkshire, where he passed away in 1710.[1]
[1] “Warrant Books: December 1709, 21-25,” in Calendar of Treasury Books, Volume 23,
1709, ed. William A Shaw (London: His Majesty's Stationery Office, 1949),
462-473; Ancestry.com, England, Select
Births and Christenings, 1538-1975 (Provo, UT: Ancestry.com Operations,
Inc., 2014), http://ancestry.com (accessed 23 Jan 2016).
Since establishing
himself in St. James Parish, Goose Creek in Berkeley County, Richard Tookerman
apparently operated a vessel routinely between Charles Town and the Bahamas to
trade there. He had known several pirates, including Daniel and Thomas Porter,
who both once sailed with Benjamin Hornigold, and also had Jacobite sympathies,
even later arrested for the same. Immediately following Bonnet’s trial and the
inconvenience that caused him, he would sail consort with the highly successful
pirate Bartholomew Roberts.[3]
Tookerman
apparently had arrived in Charles Town port sometime in 1717, just as the
Golden Age entered perhaps its most active phase. He arrived four years after
the death of Scottish immigrant John Grant, married his widow Katherine, and
became owner of his estates, typically how early aristocrats enriched
themselves. One of Grant’s final legal transactions in 1713, of the nine total
for that year, involved Richard Roche, perhaps the same Richard Roche who had
supplied war materiel for the rebels in Cary’s Rebellion of 1708-1711. Many of the
family name hailed from Jamaica and had been involved in extra-legal affairs in
recent years, including the later illegal settlement of the Lower Cape Fear by
the “Family.”[4]
Following the late
September 1718 battle in the Cape Fear River, Col. William Rhett arrived at
Charles Town with Major Stede Bonnet and his crew as prisoners. Lacking a
public prison at the time, they were confined in the watch-house under Militia
guard. On the 5th of October, officers removed Bonnet from the watch-house and
confined him in provost-marshall Nathaniel Partridge’s house in town. Partridge,
of course, was assisting Gov. Daniell two years before with guarding the Betty when Rhett forcefully took the
cargo, mooned the governor, and was probably shot in the backside making his
getaway.
Bonnet was forced
to endure imprisonment in luxury, or the best version offered by early America.
A few days later, Bonnet's sailing master David Herriot and his boatswain,
Ignatius Pell, as presumed witnesses for the prosecution, joined Bonnet in
Partridge’s home. As mentioned before, for their damning five-page testimony
against both Bonnet and Thache, neither of these men were ever tried. Still,
Herriot, free from punishment, tried to escape with Bonnet anyway.[5]
 |
Youtube video including part of Tookerman's tale: Did Blackbeard the Pirate Wreck the Queen Anne's Revenge on Purpose? |
Two Militia guards
were assigned to watch them at night to prevent a possible escape. However, on
24 October, Bonnet and Herriot were successful in doing just that, with local
help. Pell refused to take advantage of the opportunity and remained in
confinement. Trott announced at the trial proceedings:
Bonnet's Escape out of Prison is no small Misfortune to us... I hope the
great Reward of Seven hundred Pounds offer'd by the Government for taking Bonnet and his Master, will make the People vigilant in apprehending them... I am
sensible Bonnet has had some
Assistance in making his Escape, and if we can discover the Offenders we shall
not fail to bring them to exemplary Punishment.[6]
£700 was a large
sum of money as a reward for a pirate’s capture. Even Blackbeard only earned
his captors £200 later that year. The South Carolina government likely needed
to insure cooperation from the pirate-loving local inhabitants in recapturing
Bonnet and their star witness, David Herriot. The money talked much louder than
any appeal to nationalism ever would.
The escape from
the Marshal's house required assistance. Trott knew this and intimated that
their accomplice would be found. Trott also perhaps understood that the
majority of the populace regarded pirates more highly than they regarded the
haughty and arrogant Judge of the Admiralty. Bonnet and Herriot escaped in a
small boat manned by three slaves, and provided with a quantity of guns, ball,
and powder. Inquiries were underway to determine who supplied these items and
the slaves that assisted them.[7]
The fugitives made
their way northward for a short time, but because they lacked supplies, and
since a storm had arisen, they turned and sailed for Sullivan's Island near
Charles Town. From there, Bonnet wrote a letter to Richard Tookerman inquiring
as to the sloop promised them by him, but yet undelivered. According to one
deposition, that letter had been intercepted by South Carolina authorities. It
revealed a local conspiracy to free Bonnet and the others:
… the sd Majr: had sent a letter to Tookerman by ye Negroes wch Letter
Complained of his Lacking in his promise in not sending ther Sloop. The Negros
Landed at Charles Towne in the Night with ye Canoa, and the watch knowing whose
Negroes they were, Searched them and found the letter abt 3 weeks after which
this affirmer Says The said Pirate was taken again after wch Tookerman had his
Tryall. But, Negroes being allowed to be no Evidence & the said Pyrate
Acquitting Tookerman as well as the keeper of ye Prison at the time of his
Escape who had likewise been Secured on ye Account from having any hand in it.
- The Afirmer believes upon Bonnet ye Pirate being Executed The affair as to
Tookerman was mitigated or that there was not Evidence ful Enough agst him.[8]
Having heard of Bonnet and Herriot’s being
there, Col. William Rhett and a number of men, sailed for Sullivan's Island.
When found, an altercation occurred in which David Harriot was killed instantly
by a musket ball, and two of the slaves were injured by gunfire. Bonnet, again
losing his confederates and again facing death, surrendered. Herriot apparently died on November 5, 1718 and, on the next day, Rhett
brought Bonnet back to resume trial.[9]
The boat, slaves, and guns used by Bonnet to
facilitate his escape were discovered to be Richard Tookerman's property. Gov. Robert
Johnson ordered his arrest as an accomplice. Shortly after Bonnet's trial and
execution, however, Tookerman was inexplicably released, perhaps because
Nathaniel Partridge, the provost marshall, also recently arrived in 1716 from
Barbados and also from Christ Church Parish, may have been an acquaintance of
Bonnet’s. Bonnet had family in Charles Town. Moreover, no mention of
Tookerman’s aid to Bonnet and Herriot entered the trial transcript. Also, the
governor removed Partridge after this incident and replaced him with Thomas Conyers.[10]
One week after the trial, a court of
Vice-admiralty was held at Charles Town on November 19, 1718, to condemn, as a
legal prize, Bonnet's ship the Royal
James and its cargo. On the 24th, Richard Tookerman and his wife,
Katherine, appeared at the proceedings, and filed an ownership claim against
certain property aboard the ship. A slave named Ned Grant, who had been willed
to Katherine Tookerman by her previous husband, Capt. John Grant, had somehow
gotten onboard the Royal James.
How did Ned get aboard Bonnet's ship?
It appears that Katherine Tookerman hired Ned to one Captain Barrett, who took
him to the Spanish wrecks on the Florida coast and used him as a diver. While
there, Ned was taken by the pirate Captain (Samuel?) Burgess, and carried to the
Bahamas Islands. Ned escaped and made his way to New England, where he got
aboard a snow bound for Great Britain. As Ned's luck would have it, the snow
was captured by Stede Bonnet on his northward foray to the Delaware capes, an
act for which he later stood trial.[11]
The capture of
Stede Bonnet involved a bit more politics than originally asserted by the trial
transcript or Johnson’s narrative, in any of his editions. As mentioned
previously, Capt. Masters of the Henry (the
ship that carried Col. William Rhett) was heavily engaged in battle with
Bonnet’s crew of the Royal James. The
Sea Nymph, master Fayrer Hall,
however, annoyed Rhett by holding back in the battle. Rhett believed Hall
trying to subvert his task of capturing Stede Bonnet. So, the fact that Richard
Tookerman was the actual owner of the Sea
Nymph was surprising indeed. In figure 8, a note in South Carolina records,
dated December 4, 1718, shows that Tookerman, boldly makes claim for the
damages done to his vessel in the capture of Stede Bonnet and his crew.[12]
 |
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Figure 8: Plea for Damages by Richard
Tookerman; Source: "South Carolina Probate Records, Bound
Volumes, 1671-1977," images, FamilySearch
(https://familysearch.org/pal:/MM9.3.1/TH-1-19423-103740-74?cc=1919417&wc=M6N4-SNL:210905601,211185201
: accessed 5 September 2015), Charleston > Miscellaneous record, 1711-1721
> image 432 of 472; citing Department of Archives and History, Columbia.
|
Capt. Fayrer Hall
of the Sea Nymph barely got scratched
in Bonnet’s capture. Interestingly, he sued Richard Tookerman in early 1719 and
demanded the kingly sum of £581. The two may have had a previous arrangement
wherein Tookerman failed to uphold his end of the bargain. Hall, therefore,
covertly sought recompense. The court, presided over again by Admiralty Judge
Nicholas Trott, granted Hall the much more reasonable sum of £83 for his
services as captain of the Sea Nymph,
leaving Hall quite short of his hopes. Tookerman’s ship aided the capture of
Stede Bonnet, but Tookerman was discovered an accomplice in helping Bonnet to
escape.[13]
Rhett probably
heard about the coercion later, but before he could confront Hall over the
affair, his son, 26-year-old merchant William Rhett Jr., was burglarized. His
house was robbed by – Richard Tookerman. A wooden box containing eighty spread
eagle pieces of silver and a package of coral and amber were stolen. Rhett
suspected Tookerman, whose house was searched, and a portion of the coral and
about forty or fifty spread eagle pieces were found on him, his wife Katherine,
and some of his slaves. Tookerman was arrested once again, and was brought to
trial for the robbery. He was convicted and jailed. Tookerman and several
others broke out of jail, stole a number of horses and slaves, and fled to
Virginia. From Virginia he made his way to Barbados and then to Jamaica,
leaving his wife and children behind.[14]
Not to be outdone,
Hall also sued Col. William Rhett for slander the next year. Apparently, Rhett
accused Hall openly of being a pirate. Hall claimed that this imputation of
piracy had destroyed his "hitherto untainted" reputation. Still, Hall
had been recently convicted of assault and battery when he invaded a neighbor's
home, beating him up only months before battling Bonnet in the Cape Fear River.
Rhett failed to appear in court and Hall won a default judgment. No damages,
however, were awarded. These events lead one to consider that perhaps Fayrer
Hall may have been offered a bribe from Tookerman to feign difficulties in
Bonnet’s Cape Fear capture and that Tookerman reneged on the deal.[15]
A year later,
Tookerman appeared in Port Royal, Jamaica. On June 10, 1721, the Adventure sloop at anchor in Port Royal
harbor fired two salutes of five guns each. Captain Edward Vernon, Commander of
His Majesty's ships in Jamaica, aboard the HMS Mary, sent Lieutenant William Swale to board the Adventure to determine why the salute
was fired without hoisting British colors. Captain Vernon felt such an act
could be interpreted as a salute to the Pretender on his birthday, an act
reminiscent of a Jacobite sympathizer flirting with treason.[16]
Swale found the Adventure commanded by one Henry Wells.
Richard Tookerman, her master, was ashore dining at the home of a Mrs.
Pendigrasse with Colonel Francis James, one of the Colonels of Militia in
Jamaica. Wells told Lieutenant Swale he had been ordered by Colonel James to
fire the salute when a white handkerchief was used ashore as a signal. Swale
accepted the explanation but before returning to HMS Mary, gave Wells strict orders that no more guns were to be fired.[17]
Nevertheless, half
an hour later, the guns were fired again. Swale returned to the Adventure under arms, with orders from
Vernon to bring Wells and whatever gentlemen were aboard the sloop to HMS Mary. Shortly after Lieutenant Swale had
gone aboard the sloop, Colonel James and Tookerman returned in a boat from Port
Royal. Both James and Tookerman were taken into custody and brought before
Captain Vernon.[18]
Vernon rebuked
Colonel James for his actions and released him. He locked Tookerman and Wills in the Mary's brig and while ashore that evening, was assaulted by friends of Tookerman, including one ex-navy lieutenant Thomas Cardiff. Afterward, Vernon learned that Richard Tookerman was wanted for crimes in the Colonies and
islands in the West Indies. Various letters came that passed the responsibility on how to deal with Tookerman. Virginia determined that Tookerman should be returned to South Carolina.
South Carolina referred his case to Britain. As a result, Tookerman was confined on board the Mary with other prisoners suspected of
piracy to be transported to Portsmouth, England as Vernon was being discharged from his position in Jamaica. There, an order was issued by the
Admiralty on August 22, 1721 to remove Tookerman and other prisoners to HMS Windsor for transport and to stand trial
in London.
Woodes Rogers, late
Governor of the Bahamas, testified on September 27, 1721 that he had stopped in
South Carolina for several weeks, and the talk among the gentlemen and traders
of Charles Town was that one Richard Tookerman, who had formerly lived there -
and whose family still lived there - had gone on the account or turned pirate.
Rogers claimed that Tookerman had earlier threatened to cruise the coast of
Carolina as a pirate. Rogers said that he was informed that Captain Vernon had
discovered some sort of agreement between Tookerman and Daniel Porter, one of
Hornigold’s old crew. Rogers believed that Daniel Porter was still on the
account, and together with his brother, Thomas Porter, ran away from Providence
in June of 1720 in a sloop called the May
Flower, without leave from the government.[19]
Benjamin Sims, a crewman aboard Vernon’s HMS Mary who had lived on the Island of Providence
in the Bahamas for over forty years (ca. 1675-1720), testified that he was well
acquainted with Thomas and Daniel Porter. In 1716, he saw Thomas Porter aboard
"a great sloop called the Bennett
(whereof Benjamin Hornigold was master)." This may be significant in
regards Edward Thache, who had been a resident of Kingston at the time he
joined Hornigold in late 1716 to fish Spanish wrecks on the Florida coast. Sims
claimed he saw this Thomas Porter bringing goods into Providence, pirated from
two Dutch ships taken by Hornigold - one of which was named the Young Abraham. Interestingly, a
Symms/Simms had been identified as an African descendant commander of a sloop
owned by Bahamian governor Read Elding. Simms was accused in 1702 of murdering
a surgeon while pirating and burning an English vessel in the Bahamas. What was
Benjamin Sims relationship (if any) with Read Elding’s black sloop commander
Josias Simms/Symms? Were they descendants of the early Bahamas settler Moses
Simms, who arrived as early as the 1640s?[20]
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Figure 9:
Tookerman’s Ad Against Edward Vernon – Source: Daily Journal (London, England), Tuesday,
November 21, 1721; Issue CCLIX.
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Counselor for the
affairs of the Admiralty and Navy, held that Tookerman might be tried in England,
but only on the charge of aiding in the escape of Bonnet and Herriot at
Carolina. He suggested that Tookerman should be brought before the Lord Chief
Justice, and that the best way of proceeding against him would be by trial in
Carolina.
The Lord Chief
Justice then granted a writ of Habeas Corpus, and determined that the planned
return of Tookerman to South Carolina was "insufficient according to the
strictness of law." Tookerman was released on this technicality. Illustrated
in figure 9, he then published an ad in a London paper demonstrating his
opinion and also filed a lawsuit against Captain Edward Vernon for assault,
battery, and false imprisonment, requiring Vernon to post bond of £1,000. On
March 23, 1723, a “Report to the Lords of the Treasury to consider how
petitioner may be reimbursed” was issued in response to Vernon’s losses and
petition in the Tookerman piracy case.[21]
Charles Johnson
refers to this pirate in his narrative on Bartholomew Roberts from 1723. Tookerman was
then in company with one of his Bahamian pirate friends, Daniel or Thomas
Porter. Johnson wrote:
… two Sloops came in,
as they pretended, to pay [Bartholomew] Roberts a Visit, the Masters,
whose Names were Porter and Tuckerman, addressed the Pyrate, as
the Queen of Sheba did Solomon, to wit, That having heard of
his Fame and Atchievements, they had put in there to learn his Art and
Wisdom in the Business of pyrating, being Vessels on the same honourable Design
with himself; and hoped with the Communication of his Knowledge, they should
also receive his Charity, being in want of Necessaries for such Adventures. Roberts
was won upon by the Peculiarity and Bluntness of these two Men, and gave them
Powder, Arms, and what ever else they had Occasion for, spent two or three
merry Nights with them, and at parting, said, he hoped the L— would Prosper
their handy Works.[22]
The will of
Richard Tookerman “of South Carolina in America Gentleman” probated on April
22, 1726 in London. He wrote it September 16, 1723 “bound through God’s
permission on a Voyage to the West Indies.”[23]
The pirate and
wealthy merchant freely moved about in America. Tookerman still claimed South Carolina as his residence undoubtedly because his
family resided there. His adopted estates were also there, in Goose Creek.
Tookerman resided there at most for two years of his life. While there, he
filed no less than fifteen law suits with various residents and continued this
practice in London. He bequeathed his entire estate to his wife Katherine and
his children from her. Nathaniel Barnardiston and Thomas Matthews, merchants of
London served as his executors. Interesting that his executors, later filing
suit in that executory status, referred to Tookerman as “formerly of Jamaica
and the West Indies and later of London.”[24]
His family remained in South Carolina as substantial citizens. His son, Richard
Tookerman Jr. later donated money to build the Ludlam school “to promote the
practice of Christianity and virtue” in Goose Creek, South Carolina.[25]
Fayrer Hall
resided in South Carolina a bit longer than Tookerman, about five years, from
1718 to 1723. Still, he filed his suits about half as often and never filed
another once he returned to London. “Capt. Fayrer Hall” still supported the
American sugar interest and made his evidence before a Committee of the House
of Commons in April 1731 concerning the “Sugar Colony Bill.” He argued that rum
could be afforded cheaper than brandy in Europe and also that rum was
absolutely necessary for the Northern Colonies. The Board, however, required
that he amend these two haphazard suggestions. He also wrote a pamphlet to the
same effect. At the same time, he wrote a larger piece on the importance of the
colonies to the kingdom as well as a short history of the northern American
colonies a few years later. He was elected fellow of the Royal Society in 1732
after returning from serving as secretary to Gov. Walter Chetwynd on Barbados.
Hall succeeded Charles Mein as a “coast waiter,” an officer of the customs who
superintends the landing and shipping of goods coastwise, in the Tower District
of London on July 12, 1735. He was to “attend the East India sales
for the duties of 15 per cent. on muslins and calicoes.”[26] Despite their “crimes,”
Tookerman, Bonnet, Hall, Trott, Rhett, and Thache were likely all considered by
English society, both in America and London, as substantial citizens and
freeholders.[27]
Probably the least
troublesome pirate, Stede Bonnet, captured in the Cape Fear River as a
consolation for not being able to capture Charles Vane, swung by the “hempen
halter,” or noose on the Charles Town docks, illustrated in figure 10. He was
buried below the high-water mark, a final indecency expressed by the merchants
of Charles Town. South Carolina was resumed under Crown government the next
year, in 1719. The piracies, however, continued at least until 1776.
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Figure 10: Gentleman Pirate Major
Stede Bonnet hanged at White Point in Charleston, South Carolina
(10 December 1718) - Source: The Hanging of Major Stede
Bonnet: this engraving was published in the Dutch version of Charles Johnson's
A General History of the Pyrates—Historie der engelsche zee-roovers ... door
Capiteyn Charles Johnson (1725), Amsterdam: Hermanus Uytwerf.
|
[1] Robert E. Lee, Blackbeard the Pirate: A Reappraisal of his Life and Times (1974), 6th printing (Winston-Salem: John F. Blair, 1990).
[2] John C. Appleby, Women and English Piracy, 1540-1720: Partners and Victims of Crime
(Rochester: Boydell Press, 2013), 122-123.
[3] Ibid.
[4] “Roche, Richard vs John Grant” (1713), South Carolina Archives Online
[5] Downey, Stede
Bonnet, 68.
[6] Trial
of Stede Bonnet, 9.
[7] National Archives of London, “Deposition of
William Rhett, Jr.” (28 Sep 1721), HCA 1/55.
[9] Downey, Stede
Bonnet, 68.
[10] Ibid.,
66.
[11] Note N776, “Our Deep Roots” (from records in
the South Carolina Archives in Columbia, South Carolina),
http://freepages.genealogy.rootsweb.ancestry.com/~weegar/npr163.htm (accessed
September 8, 2015).
[12] Ibid.
[13] “Hall, Fayrer vs Richard Tookerman” (1719), Series: S136002, Box: 013A, Item: 0111A, South Carolina State Archives, Columbia, SC.
[14] National Archives of London, “Deposition of
William Rhett, Jr.” (28 Sep 1721), HCA 1/55.
[15] “Rhett, William and Sarah, his wife vs.
Fayrer Hall” (1720), Series:
S136002, Box: 015A, Item: 0091A and “Hall, Fayrer vs William Rhett” (1720), Series: S136002, Box: 016A, Item: 0159A, South Carolina State Archives, Columbia, SC.
[16] National Archives, “Deposition of William
Swale” (27 Sept 1721), PRO-HCA 1/55, copy (Call #76.186.3) in North Carolina
State Archives (Raleigh).
[17] Ibid.
[18] Ibid.
[19] National Archives, “Deposition of Woodes
Rogers” (27 Sept 1721), PRO-HCA 1/55, copy in North Carolina State Archives
(Raleigh).
[20] Ibid.;
Deposition of Henry Timberlake, 17 December 1716,
1B/5/3/8, 212–3, Registrar General’s Department, Spanish Town, Jamaica.
[21] Ancestry.com, U.K. and U.S. Directories, 1680-1830 and London, England, Land Tax Records, 1692-1932 [database
on-line] (Provo, UT, USA: Ancestry.com Operations Inc, 2003 and 2011); “Volume
243: January 11-June 27, 1723,” in Calendar of Treasury Papers, Volume 6,
1720-1728, ed. Joseph Redington (London: Her Majesty's Stationery Office,
1889), 195-217, accessed January 27, 2015,
http://www.british-history.ac.uk/cal-treasury-papers/vol6/pp195-217; Daily Journal (London,
England), Tuesday, November 21, 1721; Issue CCLIX.
[22] Johnson, General
History, 2nd ed., 244.
[23] National Archives; Kew, England; Prerogative Court of Canterbury and Related
Probate Jurisdictions: Will Registers; Class: PROB 11; Piece: 608
[24] “Barnardiston v Chamberlaine” (1727), C
11/1466/16, National Archives, KEW (London).
[25]Ibid.; Edward McCrady, The History of South
Carolina Under the Royal Government, 1719-1776 (Norwood: MacMillan Company,
1899), 486.
[26] “Warrants for Minor Appointments: 1735,” in Calendar of Treasury Books and Papers,
Volume 3, 1735-1738, ed. William A Shaw (London: Her Majesty's Stationery
Office, 1900), 145-155, accessed January 31, 2015,
http://www.british-history.ac.uk/cal-treasury-books-papers/vol3/pp145-155.
[27] Fayrer Hall, Considerations on the Bill now depending in Parliament, concerning the
British sugar-colonies in America. Wherein All the Arguments for the Support of
the said Bill are considered. In a letter to a Member of Parliament (London
: printed for J. Peele, at Locke's-Head in Amen-Corner, Pater-Noster-Row,
MDCCXXXI, 1731).
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