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Showing posts with label hispaniola. Show all posts
Showing posts with label hispaniola. Show all posts

Saturday, April 11, 2026

Deposition: Another La Concorde Survives a Pirate Attack!

 Deposition: *La Concorde de Nantes* (100 tons)

September 1718:

The 1st

Appearing before the King's Lieutenant General:


(Source: Rapports des capitaines à l'Amirauté de Nantes, Les Archives départementales de Loire Atlantique, B4578, 80.)


Carte de la plaine de Léogane et de ses environs Isle de St. Domingue - btv1b530651435, 1750


There appeared Jay Joys, Master and Commander of the vessel named *La Concorde de Nantes*—of a burthen of one hundred tons or thereabouts, armed with 8 cannons, and manned by a crew of 31 men (himself included)—owned by Sieur de la Vincendiere the Younger, the outfitter of the said vessel. From this said Captain, having received his oath with uplifted hand to speak the truth, we heard the following declaration: that his said vessel, having been laden with lawful merchandise for a voyage to Saint-Domingue, and having duly obtained the necessary clearances for the said voyage, departed from the lower reaches of this river on the 26th of last January to undertake the said voyage; however, adverse weather obliged him to put in at Saint-Louis, where he remained for three days. Thereafter, having departed from the said place to continue his course and proceed to Léogâne—his intended destination—and while underway, he encountered a pirate vessel which attacked the deponent; [he further declared] that the *Saint-Esprit* of this river, commanded by Captain... Bernard—who declared that he fired five cannon shots to drive them off, a maneuver that met with a favorable outcome—finally arrived safely at Léogâne on the following May 23rd. There, he fully discharged the cargo of the said vessel and reloaded it for the return voyage—partly as freight and partly on account of the said shipowner—with a total of 583 barrels, 84 quarter-casks, and tierces of *saindoux* (lard); 21 barrels (both large and standard sizes), 3 quarter-casks, and tierces, and one *ancre* of indigo; and two barrels of candied lemons. Upon completion of this loading operation on the said vessel, he departed from the said place on the following July 9th, bound for Nantes—his port of destination—where he arrived safely and without incident on the 30th of last month, accompanied by his entire crew, with the exception of one Rhe doist de Elion, who deserted the day before his departure. He has submitted to us the documents regarding the indentured servants and the buccaneer guns, dated the 2nd of last June, attached to his letter of discharge, which he has retained. This constitutes his declaration; after it was read aloud to him, he swore that it is sincere, true, and accurate, and he has signed it.


J. Joys


Brochettiere

Deposition: Notice of 15 Pirate Vessels Roaming St. Domingue

 Deposition: *La Marie Aime* of Nantes, arriving from Saint-Domingue [150 tons]

Taken before us on June 3, 1718

(Source: Rapports des capitaines à l'Amirauté de Nantes, Les Archives départementales de Loire Atlantique, B4578, 63.)


By Mathew Carey (engravers/printers: Bellin, Jacques Nicolas, 1703-1772; Scott, Joseph T.; Varle, P.C.) - https://www.davidrumsey.com/luna/servlet/detail/RUMSEY~8~1~640~50079:Carte-De-La-Partie-Francoise-De-St-?sort=Pub_List_No_InitialSort%2CPub_Date%2CPub_List_No%2CSeries_No#, Public Domain, https://commons.wikimedia.org/w/index.php?curid=3308882

There appeared before us Mr. Noel Francois, Master of the ship named *La Marie Aime* of Nantes, of a burthen of 150 tons or thereabouts, armed with 12 cannons and manned by a crew of 27 men (all included), fitted out by Mr. Alphonse Du Boeil—the shipowner—in whose employ the said Captain serves. Having taken the oath with uplifted hand, he promised to speak the truth; and what he had to tell and declare is as follows: that his said vessel, having been loaded with authorized merchandise for the voyage to Saint-Domingue, departed from the lower reaches of this river—being fully manned and having obtained all necessary clearances for such a voyage—on May 31, 1717. It arrived safely at Léogâne on the following July 3rd, at which place he completely discharged the cargo of his said ship. He then reloaded it for the return voyage—acting on behalf of his shipowner—with a cargo consisting of five hundred and ninety-eight casks of sugar, sixty-six casks of indigo, 336 dried hides (hair-on), and various other items such as old assay vessels and barrels of preserves. Upon the completion of this loading into his said ship, the deponent states that—a ministerial proclamation having been published regarding the lifting of the embargo—several buccaneers voluntarily came forward (though he does not know the exact number). These men declared that there were five pirate ships—ranging from 28 to 36 cannons—along with ten smaller vessels carrying 6 to 8 cannons, which were cruising in the area—specifically from La Havane to La Merveille—waiting there to intercept a Spanish fleet expected to depart from that port bound for Europe. This is all he had to state; he further declared that he departed from Léogâne on April 12th last to make his way to this port—his intended destination—and affirms that during his crossing, he neither saw nor encountered any pirates. And finally, [the deposition] is... Having fortunately arrived in Paimbœuf on the 2nd of the current month, he reported that Henry Popequey, a carpenter, died on July 31st, and Jean Pespellee, a native of Le Pouvtiguey Mare, died on September 6th, 1717; regarding these individuals, he is required to conduct an inventory and sale of their personal effects, which he undertakes to deposit immediately with the Registry, in accordance with the ordinance. He presented to us the verification regarding the four indentured servants and his six buccaneer muskets—said certificate being dated April 12th, 1718, signed by Château-Morant and Mishon—which he submitted under oath, together with his discharge papers that he has retained. This constitutes his declaration; upon having it read back to him, he swore that it is sincere and contains the truth, and thereupon signed it.

Noel Francois

Thursday, April 09, 2026

Deposition: French Battle the Weather, Spanish, English, and Pirates!

 *La Fidélité de Nantes*, arriving from Léogâne — 150 tons

Dated the 13th of October

Appearing before the Gentlemen Lieutenant-General on Duty:

(source: Rapports des capitaines à l'Amirauté de Nantes, Les Archives départementales de Loire Atlantique, B4578, 10-12.

Appeared Mr. Louis Drouin, Master of the vessel named *La Fidélité de Nantes*, of one hundred and fifty tons or thereabouts; having administered the oath to him, he promised and swore to speak the truth. He stated and declared to us that the said vessel, having been laden with merchandise permitted by Mr. Montaudouin—a merchant of this city and charterer of the said ship—and being furnished with all the necessary papers for the voyage from Saint-Domingue to the French Islands of the Americas, the said Mr. Drouin declares that he departed from the lower reaches of this river on the 27th of December 1716 to undertake the said voyage. On the following 28th of January, the deponent sighted the island of Saint-Domingue at approximately 8 o'clock in the morning; and on the following day, the 29th, at 4 o'clock in the evening, he sighted the Île de la Tortue. At approximately 8 or 9 o'clock that evening—while abreast of the said island and two leagues offshore—he encountered, for a period of four hours, conditions indicating squalls and foul weather. Consequently, having ordered the sails to be reefed, the wind shifted suddenly to the northwest with great violence, accompanied by rain and thunder; he was therefore obliged to heave to. At approximately 1 o'clock [in the morning], the wind shifted to the north with equal fury; the winds subsequently veered around the entire compass and increased in intensity, and the sea became furious and terrifying. On the following day, the 30th, no land was in sight—due both to a very thick fog and to the foul weather that continued unabated. He had the misfortune to drift toward the island of Cuba due to the swiftness of the currents, which carried him westward; on the 31st—the mist having cleared around 8 o'clock in the morning—he sighted very low-lying land. Realizing he had drifted to leeward, he hauled his vessel closer to the wind in an attempt to work clear; however, having taken an altitude reading which placed him at 22 degrees North latitude, he concluded that he was within the Old Bahama Channel—the passage lying between Cuba and the shoals known as *Los Placeres*. This conclusion was reinforced by the fact that, after tacking for four or five hours, he observed by the bearings of the land that—far from making any headway—the currents were actually carrying him further to the west. This observation determined him to bear away and run directly through the said channel. On that same day, he sighted a ship astern of him—a vessel out of the Canaries bound for Havana—which confirmed to him that he was indeed within the said channel. Having kept company with the other vessel for a time, they parted ways on the morning of February 3rd, between 6 and 7 o'clock: he himself steered toward Matanzas, while the other vessel set a course to the west-northwest to coast along the shoreline there of Florida

...and, in order to navigate more easily during the evenings, [we sailed] in sight of the Martyrs [Reefs], intending to round them by passing to the north of the vessels [anchored there]; on the 4th of the said month—after having tacked several times to windward to gain ground—we stood inshore to round Florida, passing to the north of the shoals. Between 4 and 5 o'clock in the morning, we encountered the ship *La Sainte-Aimée* of Saint-Malo, commanded by Captain Poitevin; having spoken with him and set our course to the northeast-by-east, we sighted land again around 6 o'clock that evening, bearing North-Northeast at a distance of more than six leagues. As the winds had diminished considerably—making it difficult to hold our course close to the wind—the declarant's ship passed the Matanzas Inlet, situated just to the north of the aforementioned Martyrs.

At between eight and nine o'clock that evening—the winds having abated somewhat—they were driven westward onto a cay, where they ran aground in five feet of water, two leagues offshore from the coast of Florida. Thereupon, the deponent immediately launched his small boat to take soundings and determine whether the water was deep enough to allow the vessel to be refloated; meanwhile, the crew furled and secured the sails, and lowered the yards and topmasts.

However, the men who had boarded the said canoe—instead of executing the order given to them by the deponent—cowardly abandoned the said ship (which they had lost sight of, and to which they did not return until it was once again afloat). Upon their return, the deponent states that the Sieur des Martiers (Second Captain) and Joseph Bucoy (Pilot)—who had boarded the said canoe—were compelled by the crew of the said canoe (as well as by others who had boarded under cover of night and amidst the ensuing confusion—including François Sauveive, Baptiste Gaspard Bossemay, Joseph Ignard, and Thomas Renaut, sailors) to row toward the ship *Sainte-Anne*. This vessel, belonging to the deponent, was then situated only about half a league away; however, the said Sieur Portevin (Captain) was far from offering them asylum aboard his ship—instead branding them as cowards and deserters, and ordering that fire be opened upon them, thereby forcing them to retreat. Yet, instead of returning to the deponent's ship, they took refuge aboard an English boat they encountered. Meanwhile, the deponent ordered the longboat to be launched to compensate for the loss of the said canoe; however, it was discovered that the said longboat was taking on water through three seams on each side, which had not been properly caulked.

...restored to their proper state—though I was unable to heel the vessel over, as she was lodged against the rocks—which obliged the deponent to have her re-floated so she might be promptly recaulked. This, however, could not be accomplished until after a considerable delay, during which time the crew had diligently managed the ship, which remained aground on the said reef. Consequently, the deponent—together with his other officers—resolved to wait for daylight before attempting to move the entire vessel to deeper water. Throughout the night, he remained on watch—and ensured others did the same—guarding the said longboat while it lay alongside, with six armed musketeers posted on the gunwales and other crew members stationed at their posts, ready to fire, and the cannons loaded with grapeshot in readiness for a second boarding attempt. At the break of day, the deponent had André de Mesorit—the ship's Master—board the longboat to take soundings around the vessel. After doing so, the Master reported that, given the ship was resting on the highest point of the reef, it would be more expedient to carry the anchor forward than to carry it astern, as this would require dragging it over a shorter distance.

The said vessel, having on board various cables, was—after being violently swung around off Cap Bas—subjected to continuous heavy seas until noon; indeed, at 2:00 PM, the declarants—namely Lieutenant Dangoise and Master Dunesquil—found themselves in a critical situation. As the said vessel was in distress and offered no means of relief under the prevailing circumstances, they were compelled—in order to facilitate a more prompt resolution, both to clear the decks and to lighten the load—to jettison into the sea various goods and effects, of which mention is hereby made.

...as evidenced by the declaration made at Léogâne on March 4, 1717—signed by La Callière, Judge of the said locality—which the declarant has this day submitted and deposited in the Registry (and signed in the margin), and to which specific reference is hereby made; at which said place of Léogâne, the declarant discharged the merchandise remaining aboard his vessel—a port where he had arrived on March 3rd in order to effect repairs—and where he subsequently loaded and took on board, on account of the said ship: seven hundred and fifty-nine barrels, three pipes, two tierces, and three-quarters of a barrel of refined sugar; and eighty-five barrels, twenty-two tierces, three quarter-casks, three pipes, and two ankers of indigo. The said Declarant further states that he is currently the bearer of... ...one hogshead of sugar and four barrels of indigo, more or less. Furthermore, the declarant reports having brought back sundry pieces of cotton cloth and printed Indian fabrics from the vessel arriving from Guinea, to be placed in the bonded warehouse of the Farm [of Revenue] of this city and subsequently reshipped to Guinea. He states that he set sail from the Point of Léogâne on the 16th of last month to come to France, in company with Mr. Joseph de St. Malo—aboard a Bordeaux-registered ship armed for war against pirates—and three other merchant vessels (one from St. Malo, another from Libourne, and a small boat). The said declarant subsequently found himself alone, along with Mr. Duclos of St. Malo, having parted ways with the other vessels at the Isle of Tortuga. While off the coast, two vessels were sighted cruising along the southern shore with all sails set; the declarant, acting as captain, tacked about, only to find that the said vessels were bearing down very close upon him. This occurred around 2:00 p.m., and they continued to press sail and give chase until nightfall. To evade them, the declarant altered course during the night; upon closer inspection, he realized they consisted of a frigate mounting 20 to 22 guns—which hoisted the Spanish flag and fired a cannon shot at him—and a smaller vessel. It was judged by both the declarant and his officers that these were nothing other than pirates who had recently sailed from the Isle of Providence and, following a similar course, were heading to cruise off the coast of the Isle of Saint-Domingue. This conclusion was reached because the said captain and officers had been informed by two passengers aboard his ship—who had previously been on a St. Malo vessel captured by two pirate boats—that a large number of people had taken refuge on the Isle of Providence (totaling more than 4,000 men), and that various vessels had indeed sailed from there to go cruising off the coast... ...the so-called Isle of Saint-Domingue, which they reportedly threatened to set fire to—specifically all the ships anchored in the roadsteads of Léogâne and Petit-Goâve—declaring that any vessels they captured, regardless of size, would be burned, just as they had done to the aforementioned ship *Monsieur Louis*, commanded by Sieur de la Ville. ...upon which they had the *Craseylaiv* and the *Cadeizine* vessels moored at the high banks of Vitimery; subsequently, they held a council and deliberated as to whether they should put the crews to the sword or hang them—as they had done to several others in Nantes—and proceeded to do the same to the crew of the aforementioned vessels. Following this, they seized the said ships but returned the longboat and the skiff to the remaining crew members, providing them with very little food and water; these survivors subsequently arrived at Petit-Goâve. Furthermore, the said declarant states that Messrs. Duclos, Gallet, and Chateauvert—passengers on board his vessel who had previously been on the ship *Malousy*—told him during the voyage that they had spoken with a young Irishman who was among the pirates on the said ship; this Irishman revealed that the *Malousy* was the eighth vessel the said pirates had captured, and that the passengers and crew of the *Malousy* were fortunate to have been set free, as the pirates had thrown the crews of the two preceding vessels overboard. One of the survivors at Petit-Goâve was a man named Guilness—the sole survivor of his entire crew, the other five having been thrown into the sea—who testified that he had been held there against his will and treated most wretchedly by the said pirates. All these circumstances compelled the Superintendents, Governors, and other officials of the said Island of Saint-Domingue to require all ships present along the coast at that time to contribute—on a pro-rata basis according to their tonnage and cargo value—toward the outfitting of two vessels intended to pursue and drive off the said pirates. Consequently, a sum was levied and collected from the said declarant—by the order and authority of the said Governors and Intendant—in the form of a contribution which he was compelled to pay to the Receiver, as evidenced by the receipt dated the 15th of August last; this...

...which had to be jettisoned before reaching the said ship; and finally, the voyage continued in its entirety between 47 and 48 degrees North-Northeast. This caused such damage to the *Matt de Beaupré*—which is now unserviceable—that, having sustained several heavy seas that stove in her planking and damaged her deck, the captain fears the cargo may be damaged; he therefore makes the required protests in accordance with the Ordinance. He reports that the following men died on board: René Robior on March 13th; Julien Cherpy on the 30th; Julien Honrey on April 9th; Martin Fondie on the 11th; the said Jeriem Conce Vaba; François Stephans; Mare Aussy on the 23rd; François Vudieq on June 8th; Julien Gaillat on August 5th; Étienne Xirnaboi on September 7th; and François Etcoi, surgeon, on October 6th. He further reports that the following men deserted: Joseph Higuard, François Sauveur, and Jean Ernard (who remained on an English vessel following the loss of the ship's boat); Pierre Cartier and Charles Daniel (at Port-au-Paix); Baptiste Gaspart, Pierre Caisseau, Laurent Lorstee, and Thomas Le Page (at Léogâne); Louis Mesnard (at Grand-Goâve); and Philippe Quer (at Petit-Goâve). He presented to us the discharge papers for the enlisted soldiers and fusiliers of the Bonnecarmier company, dated August 16th and signed by Messrs. Muscani (Governor) and Mitton (Superintendent), and has resumed his leave. All of the foregoing he has retained and declared to be true. Done at Paimbœuf on the 11th of the current month; this is his declaration, which was read back to him, and he affirmed that it is truthful, signing it in the presence of the witnesses required by law, and attesting to the deaths that occurred on the said vessel; he further declared that he was unable to sign his name. ...[regarding] the said ship, [and] the considerable expenses he incurred on its behalf—for which he shall submit a memorandum to serve as is just and fitting—he has signed.


P. F. Fourqint    L. Drouin   Demnseray

Tuesday, April 07, 2026

The *St. Michel* of Nantes Plundered and Captured by Pirates

 The *St. Michel* of Nantes Plundered and Captured by Pirates:

(Rapports des capitaines à l'Amirauté de Nantes, B4578, p. 32-34, Archives départementales de Loire-Atlantique)

Dated this 3rd of January

Appeared Jean Dubois, Sieur du Toucheray, Captain of the *St. Michel*—a vessel of 150 tons, armed with twelve cannons and manned by a crew of 40 men—belonging to Mr. René Montaudouin, in whose service the said Captain is currently engaged. Having promised and sworn to tell the truth, he declared that his said ship, having been loaded with authorized merchandise and being fully equipped with all necessary clearances for the coast of Saint-Domingue, departed from the lower reaches of this river on the 18th of August last. He sighted the island of Madeira on the 3rd of September following. On the 26th of the said month, they encountered a ship from Bordeaux—Captain Darboy—which, like his own, was bound for Saint-Domingue; they sailed in company with this vessel until the following day, proceeding at a much faster pace than the other ship. On the 18th of October, around 8 o'clock in the morning, he sighted Cape Samaná on the coast of Saint-Domingue. At that very moment, he perceived a ship offshore that was tacking toward the land—and consequently, toward his own vessel. Expecting it to be a pirate ship, he waited for it and prepared for battle; however, upon hailing the vessel, he discovered that it was a ship from this very river—Captain Guilland—returning from Guinea, whence it had departed nearly five months earlier. Observing that this encounter was causing him a significant delay in his voyage, he parted company with the vessel toward evening, but not before offering it anything it might require, given its long transatlantic crossing. He continued his course the following day toward the Cape and the Môle. On the 20th of the said month, around 10 o'clock in the morning—while positioned five or six leagues to the north of La Grange—his lookout alerted him that two vessels were visible offshore, which... They gave chase to him, and shortly thereafter he recognized them as pirates; he therefore had his crew—and his passengers, who numbered twenty-eight—prepare to defend themselves, as it appeared evident that the two approaching vessels were pirate ships. When the said two boats came within cannon range—specifically, the one that appeared to be the larger of the two—it hoisted an English flag and fired a shot with live ammunition. This compelled the deponent to hoist his own French flag. Immediately, the said boat—and its companion pirate vessel—struck their English flags and each hoisted a black flag featuring a skull holding a dart in one hand and a hourglass in the other; 


The purported flag of Blackbeard, a variant of the "Old Roger design", consisting of a horned skeleton holding an hourglass and using a spear to pierce a bleeding heart, is typically attributed to the pirate Edward Thache, better known as Blackbeard. This pirate may be but likely not Blackbeard, however, as he was engaged elsewhere (though nearby) and the vessels vaguely match, except for the smaller pirate of 4 guns. If it is Blackbeard, then these French depositions alone verify the use of this flag for Edward Thache.
However, contrary to popular belief, there is no accurate description of any specific flag used by Blackbeard during his piracy beyond using "bloody flags" or black flags with "deaths heads". Records from as early as 1723 report a flag of the same or very similar design to have been used by pirates, but not by Blackbeard in particular. A pirate named "Nicholas [prob. Thomas Nichols]" who used a similar design was reported near Hispaniola at about the time the St. Michael was taken in consort with a smaller vessel. This may be them.

... furthermore, at the top of their mainmasts, they flew another flag of the same color depicting a man standing upon another figure, with a weapon piercing the latter's throat [previously unknown flag]. As the large pirate vessel continued to approach, it sent volley after volley—some seven or eight rounds—at him. Upon finding himself within effective range, the deponent attempted to fire two shots from the stern of his ship in order to swing his vessel around and present his broadside to the enemy; to this end, he began to trim his topgallant sails and haul up his mainsail. At this juncture, the majority of his passengers—led by a certain Sieur de l'Isle Ribauld—intervened, telling him that he must not engage in battle with such dangerous men. They argued that if the deponent were to fire even a single cannon shot, his entire crew would be massacred, whereas the pirates were likely interested only in plundering some provisions and other supplies of that nature. The said Sieur de l'Isle had already wagered five crowns—and offered further incentives—on the proposition that if half the crew were to side with the passengers, the deponent would be rendered incapable of offering any defense; consequently, they advised the deponent to strike his flag and allow the pirate captain to come aboard his vessel—which he did, some seven minutes later. ...one pirate, named Daniel Bertrand, a native of Maijorine. Subsequently, the said Lamotte came aboard the declarant's ship with ten to twelve Englishmen, who ordered him to proceed to the said pirate vessel; he did so and observed that it was an English ship of ten or twelve guns, with Lamotte and thirteen other crew members aboard. The second pirate vessel was armed with four cannons and a crew of thirty-five men; they dispatched forty men to the declarant's ship and removed an equal number—both sailors and passengers—transferring them to the said pirate vessel. The pirates had already learned that the declarant had encountered a slave ship at Samaná; consequently, they blockaded the passage for the remainder of that day and the two following days in order to intercept it. On the 22nd, they proceeded to anchor near La Grange, where they detained two English vessels engaged in trade along the coast of Saint-Domingue. On the morning of Saturday, the 23rd of the said month of October, they were preparing to put him ashore; however, at that very moment, the said pirates sighted two sails out at sea. Deciding to give chase, they hastily loaded several sailors and passengers into the declarant's ship's canoe, which they then towed behind them, accompanied by twelve of their own men. During the chase, the declarant observed that one of the pirate vessels engaged the two sails they had sighted; upon closing with them, the pirates fired two cannon shots, compelling the vessels to strike their colors—specifically, a ship from Bordeaux named *Le Saint-Jacques*, Captain Bergero.




Plan du Mouillage de la Grange au Nord de St Domingue. A. La Grange ; B. Islet a l'abri duquel on mouille, C. Mouillage ; D. Riviere de Mont-Christ qui vient de la Ville Espagnole de St Yago et traine de l'Or dans son Sable, 1700

 

Another vessel captured at this time by the same pirates:


La Gratieuse de Nantes captured and taken by pirates:

(Rapports des capitaines à l'Amirauté de Nantes, B4578, p. 35-37, Archives départementales de Loire-Atlantique)

Dated this 4th of January 1718

Appearing before Messrs. the Lieutenant General and Vergs??

Appeared Mr. François Le Barbier, formerly Captain of the vessel named *La Gracieuse de Nantes*, of a burthen of approximately 140 tons, armed with six cannons, and manned by 26 men and five indentured servants—the said vessel belonging to Mr. Robin the Younger and his associates—regarding which Le Barbier, having sworn an oath to tell the truth, did state and declare the following: that his said vessel, having been laden with authorized merchandise bound for Léogâne on the coast of Saint-Domingue, and being furnished with all the necessary papers and clearances for such a voyage, departed from the lower reaches of this river on the 23rd of last August to carry out his intended voyage to Léogâne and conduct his trade; that en route, at a latitude of 19 degrees 50 minutes North and 318 degrees Longitude, he encountered a ship from Bordeaux commanded by Mr. Dubois—whom the deponent left behind, being a faster sailer—and continued his course until Thursday, the 21st day of October, when, at approximately 4 o'clock in the afternoon, he sighted land... ...[he reached] Cape Samaná and subsequently followed the coastline until Saturday, the 23rd of the said month. At approximately 3:00 AM, having rounded the Cape and headed out to sea in a northeasterly direction—setting a course for the aforementioned Léogâne—he sighted two ships and five boats to leeward. He stated that, upon observing their maneuvers, it became apparent to him that they were all converging on his vessel and that they were, in fact, hostile ships. This prompted him to hold his wind in order to track them until approximately 9:00 PM, at which point two of the largest boats overtook him. They fired some five cannon shots at him—without inflicting any damage—and hailed him repeatedly, in both French and English, ordering him to strike his colors and launch his longboat to come aboard their vessel. He was compelled to comply, as he was in no position to offer resistance to the said pirates. He proceeded aboard the largest of the pirate boats, which was armed with twelve cannons and crewed by approximately 70 men—almost all of whom were English. The smaller boat was armed with four cannons and manned by a crew of 30 to 35 men. While the said deponent was aboard the large pirate boat, the captain asked him—speaking in French—how many cannons he carried, the size of his crew, the nature of his cargo, and his port of origin. To this, the deponent replied that his vessel was laden with hides from Taïfa and Brazilwood.

...[they] seized from the said vessel four hundred planks, small barrels of flour, and other goods of considerable value. The said pirates detained the deponent and his crew aboard their own ship—the pirate sloop that had succeeded in boarding and capturing the said vessel *La Gratieuse*. Aboard the said pirate ship, the deponent encountered Mr. Duboys, commander of the vessel *St. Michel* of Nantes (owned by Mr. Montaudouian), who told him that he had been captured by the said pirates on the 20th of the said month, and that the ship he now saw—the largest and most prominent of the group—was his own vessel. Also aboard the said pirate ship were Mr. Bergexon, commander of the *St. Jacques* of La Rochelle (fitted out in Bordeaux), and Mr. Boanardel, the ship's owner; they pointed out their vessel to him in the dim light, stating that they had been captured by the said pirates around eleven o'clock or noon on that same day. Furthermore, he encountered Captain Arceberg of La Rochelle, who told him that he, too, had been captured that same day aboard the vessel *Charles* of La Rochelle, which he commanded. He explained that their captured fleet consisted of two pirate vessels, Captain Arceberg's ship, two small English vessels captured prior to their own, and the three aforementioned ships—including the deponent's own vessel—a fact which, by daylight, the deponent confirmed to be true. Finally, the pirates took them all together to the island of Inagua—a deserted and uninhabited island—where they anchored on the night of Sunday into Monday, the 2?th of the said month, around two o'clock in the afternoon. There, the deponent did his utmost to negotiate the purchase of his own vessel, but the said pirates informed him that they would not return any of the ships, save for Captain Arceberg's vessel—and even that one, they added, they would have kept as well, had it not been so heavily laden.

...but [the pirates] sent them ashore to land the captured friends with whom they were charged; and around 2:00 p.m., the said pirates ordered them to board the said boat; and around 4:00 p.m., they were brought there—the said pirates having stripped them of all their clothes and belongings—having entirely retained the said three ships with their full cargoes of merchandise, both bulk goods and personal effects, and having also pillaged various goods from the said boat, *Le Chaillet*. The deponent further states that they forcibly detained several men from the crew—specifically a man named Jullien Rondiemeau of Nantes, a sloop master—despite the supplications and entreaties the poor unfortunates made to them to avoid remaining with them; [the pirates] merely stated that they were 4,500 strong, all of one accord. Having then set sail in the said boat *Le Chaillet*, they charted a course for the roadstead, where they anchored on October 30th to take on fresh water; from there, they set sail for Cap-Français to seek passage back to Europe. He further states that he learned from the captain of the said pirates that they had a correspondent [Jean Martel at Petit Goave?] on the coast of Saint-Domingue who supplied them with all their necessities, and that they lacked for nothing. Upon having this declaration read back to him, he swore that it was sincere and true, and requested that the present declaration be verified by the officers and witnesses present.

Le Barbier

Monday, April 10, 2017

Blackbeard and Henry Timberlake of Boston

Boston Harbor
Henry Timberlake, born c. 1680, son of Corporal Henry Timberlake of Rhode Island, married Mary Langdon on November 22, 1709 in Boston, Suffolk County, Massachusetts. On the 27th of January, 1711, the couple's first son, Henry Jr. was born. Indeed, the Timberlakes had a moderate family of mostly sons: Henry, Daniel, James, and Sarah.   

Henry Timberlake provided for his family as a mariner, working for various ship owners of Boston. During 1715-1716, he generally followed the Jamaican run. On April 13, 1715, he returned from sugar plantations of Dutch Suriname on the northern coast of South America in Leopard, 50 tons, with 101 hogsheads of molasses and 2 hogsheads of rum to his home port in Massachusetts. Massachusetts had quickly become an importer of molasses for Boston's distilleries and rum manufacturers. 

Afterward, as master of the sloop Adventure, of 35 tons, he departed June 6th for Jamaica. On the same page of Boston's outgoing vessels, future pirate of Bermuda, then living on Jamaica, Henry Jennings in the Rhode Island-built Bathsheba (AKA Barsheba), departed July 7th for home (see photo). Another record shows that Timberlake again departed Boston on September 27th for Jamaica and again in Leopard. 

By November of 1716, he sailed the brigantine Lamb. Shipping records are no longer remaining for 1716. Still, the details of Timberlake's November-December Jamaica run are known because his brigantine Lamb was the first vessel captured on record for the famed pirate Edward "Blackbeard" Thache. 

June-July departures from Boston, 1715

Capt. Timberlake departed Boston on November 16, 1716, bound for Jamaica, as usual, with a load of staves and shingles. The trip usually took about a month, having to sail against the northward current of the Gulf Stream in the Florida Straits. Timberlake would have passed the eleven Spanish wrecks on the Florida shores (wrecked in a hurricane July 30, 1715) south of Cape Canaveral before opting for a southeastward course over Cuba. Here, he entered along the Windward Passage. He then turned south between Capes Maize (Cuba) and Nicholas (Hispaniola), on his way to Port Royal, Jamaica. 

Path of Henry Timberlake's brigantine Lamb, Dec 1716

 As Timberlake passed between Navassa Island and the western or French end of Hispaniola, at eight o'clock the night of the 13th of December, a sloop fired several warning shots at him, ordering him to come to. The pirate sloop that faced Timberlake was a small one of 8 guns and about 90 men named Delight and was commanded by pirate Benjamin Hornigold of Harbour Island, Eleuthera, Bahamas. Hornigold was an older man, about fifty years of age whose family was from the maritime town of Ipswich, England with family, including a sister, in Massachusetts. He probably settled on Harbour Island about 1710-1714. 

As Lamb and Delight came alongside, Hornigold signaled for Capt. Timberlake to come aboard Delight. Timberlake and two of his men climbed into a dory or launch and paddled to the pirate's sloop. Once aboard, Capt. Timberlake was treated to a couple of brags: that Hornigold had just that Thursday, taken a 40-gun Spaniard (quite the feat in an 8-gun sloop!) and a ship from Bristol, Capt. Quarry, days before that, but also that fifteen of his men had absconded with a canoe and 40,000 pieces of eight! This was quite an admission from Hornigold to his captive. Then, Hornigold blustered a bit and declared "give my Service to the Captn of the man of warr [HMS Diamond, Royal Navy vessel at Jamaica] and tell him I design to have his Ship from him if I meet him." 

Hornigold himself led a party of about a dozen men aboard Lamb to take her cargo. He ordered Timberlake to remain on Delight as he unloaded the Bostonian's brigantine. This went on for about six hours, requiring two or three trips in Hornigold's boat. After the first hour, another pirate by the name of Edward Thache [ex-Royal Navy man from Spanish Town, Jamaica] arrived in his own sloop, equal in size and power to Hornigold's. Thache sent his own boat to plunder Lamb as well. Two crews then plundered Timberlake's food supply and clothing. 

From: Deposition of Henry Timberlake, 17 December 1716, 1B/5/3/8, 212–3, Registrar General’s Department, Spanish Town, Jamaica - This is the first official document that shows Edward "Blackbeard" Thache engaged in piracy!
The pirates informed Timberlake that they were after provisions and Timberlake's later description confirms this: "Three Barrils of Porke, one of Beef, two of peese, three of Markrill [fish?] five Barrils of onions Several Dozen Caggs of oysters most of his Cloaths and all his Ships Stores Except about Fforty Biskets and a very Small quantity of meat just to bring them in [to Jamaica, about 150 miles or 50 leagues] and threw Some of their Staves over board." 

The provisions made sense - but throwing staves overboard was unnecessary, unless they intended to make a pirate vessel of Lamb. Timberlake later guessed that the loss was about £60 worth. 

When Hornigold returned to Delight after pirating Lamb, he told Timberlake about news he learned from the Bristol ship the week before. The news vexed the old pirate somewhat. Hornigold "understood... that Captn [John?] Quarry was in Goal [in Jamaica] for being concerned in a Pyracy with him but Said he was wrongfully accused therein." The pirate captain further informed Timberlake that "Quarry did not act [in this piracy] and was by [Hornigold] forced to be in their Company." Hornigold "declared that it was him and his Crew alone that had robbed that Spaniard."

Hornigold charged Timberlake that so "Soon as he got into Jamaica" he would inform the authorities there that they might set Quarry free. If he would do this, Hornigold told him, then he had a mind to let him go with his own brigantine. 

Four days later, after traversing the last 150 miles of his nearly 2,000-mile journey, Henry Timberlake gave his deposition on December 17th before Peter Heywood, who had just assumed the acting governorship of Jamaica. Gov. Lord Archibald Hamilton had been removed by the king and recalled to London for his alleged involvement in piracies against the Spanish government. This involved Henry Jennings' raid of their salvage camps on the Florida shores. More than likely, however, Heywood and the other "piratish" gentlemen of Jamaica bad-mouthed Hamilton in an attempt to have him removed - they wanted the British appointee out of the way so they could profit fully from the lucrative wrecks on the Florida coast. Almost everyone in America was a pirate - land or sea! 

A few years later, Henry Timberlake could be found on the Boston - St. Christopher's (St. Kitts) run... he quite gave up on that "nest of pirates," Jamaica!

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Sunday, October 02, 2016

French Pirate Jean Martel: Deception in "A General History"

Hispaniola and Puerto Rico on the 1729 Keulen Map of the Caribbean


John "James" Martel from A General History

Jean Martel was a French pirate of the early Golden Age of Piracy. He was probably born or closely related to the Martels in Hispaniola (Martels grew sugar there since the 1550s - there is a town near Petit Goâve named “Martel” and the family borrowed money from Spain to invest in sugar cane, making a connection with earlier (1708) Spanish privateer Lewis Martel seem plausible). 
Martel perhaps operated between Hispaniola and Puerto Rico by fall of 1716. He took a boat of Saint Domingue with English pirates near Cape Tiburon (Hispaniola) in late 1717 and had a sister-in-law who lived at Petit Goâve, Saint Domingue, Hispaniola, also late in 1717. At this time, he became an informant about a pirate attack planned for Christmas 1717 on Petit Goâve and asked not to mention his name “because it would risk his life if the English [pirates] learned the secret of his French heritage.” 

I assume that Martel had little to no accent?
Remarkably, Capt, Charles Johnson, actually polemic Jacobite journalist Nathaniel Mist, in 1724 wrote a narrative of Martel in A General History of the Robberies and Murders of the Most Notorious Pirates, 2nd ed. that appears almost entirely misrepresented and partly faked. 

First, he refers to Martel as an Englishman from Jamaica when he is clearly French. This has caused a tremendous amount of trouble for the last 300 years because almost every fan of pirates out there takes A General History as literally as the Bible! 

Just because of the word "history" in the title?

Secondly, his narrative is hard to substantiate with primary sources, with exception of the final two paragraphs which come from a letter of Gov. Walter Hamilton of Antigua, dated 1 Mar 1717. The details are identical to those in the Calendar of State Papers; however, the Calendar's account is generic - no names or identification for the pirates were given by Hamilton in his letter. Martel’s responsibility for these deeds is merely assumed by Johnson-Mist.[1]

Capt. Charles Johnson writes on pages 64-69 of A General History that several vessels had been captured by “John Martel” of Jamaica in mid-late 1716. Few of these references could possibly be true. Some are manufactured and it was not the first time that Johnson-Mist had attempted such bold deception in his unreliable and polemical "history" book.

The vessels that Johnson-Mist attributes to the “Jamaican” John Martel are: Berkley Galley, Capt. Saunders; sloop King Solomon; John and Martha, Capt. Wilson; an unnamed sloop and brigantine; Ship Dolphin, 20 guns, bound for Newfoundland; Kent, Capt. Lawton; a small Ship and a Sloop, belonging to Barbadoes; Greyhound galley of London, Capt. Evans, from Guiney to Jamaica; a ship of 20 guns, a sloop of eight, and three prizes, another ship of 20 Guns, a sloop of four Guns, and another sloop. Furthermore, between September and December, Johnson-Mist shows Martel with a sloop of 8 guns and 80 men. Later, he has a ship of 22 guns and 100 men, plus a sloop of about 25 men. He then amassed quite a flotilla, according to the polemical journalist. Note that the masters’ names only include surnames – no given names – a peculiar change from other parts of his narrative (compare to the section on Blackbeard which includes Christopher Taylor, David Herriot, and Jonathan Bernard in just the first few paragraphs). This could be from his sources, like Royal African Company (RAC) letters that seldom mention given names. Still, he misapplied these sources - real people and events used falsely to imply truth where there wasn't any.
One possibility is that the primary sources from which Johnson-Mist drew this information may be lost to us now. That would please Johnson-Mist devotees to no end! However, that would require a massive amount of loss, an almost impossible documentary calamity. Anyway, as the available records show, there are plenty of extant references available – probably more still buried in the National Archives in London. A bit of research can easily reveal these sources - and the lies.  

I'm sure that Nathaniel Mist never had computers. ;)

The Greyhound galley, Capt. Evans, has been located on Voyages: The Trans-Atlantic Slave Trade Database. Their voyage began 30 Aug 1716 and they could have been intercepted by pirates in the Caribbean; but, this is doubtful. The record shows that they began with 273 slaves and delivered 236 to Kingston, Jamaica. Johnson-Mist declares 40 slaves stolen by Martel. Indeed, the database shows a loss of 37. Still, the reality of the slave trade is that, even in the late eighteenth century, 15 percent of slaves died in the Middle Passage. For the Greyhound galley, that translates to 41 slaves, and an estimated 232 delivered to Kingston even when no pirates were involved. To assume that all of the slaves would have survived and that pirates were the only reason for the loss is unsupportable. One reason for the appearance of this voyage of the Greyhound in A General History is the story first appeared in Nathaniel Mist’s own Weekly Journal newspaper on 25 Jul 1717.[2]

Gregory O’Malley writes in Final Passages that Capt. Hume in HMS Scarborough captured a pirate named Kennedy; he, with others, allegedly took the Greyhound galley of London and stole 40 slaves (again, a supposed loss by pirates and not disease). Martel could have been a partner of Kennedy. Still, O’Malley’s reference is puzzling, for the only citation he gives is for A General History, a book that only declares Martel as responsible for this deed. Moreover, the only Kennedy that Johnson-Mist refers to is a later pirate and contemporary of Bartholomew Roberts named Walter Kennedy, “executed the 19th of July, 1721, at Execution Dock.”

No ship named Kent can be found operating during this period, in the slave trade database or the Calender of State Papers, the National Archives in London, nor Naval Office Shipping Records. The same search applied to Berkley Galley results in the discovery that Capt. Edmund Saunders and mate Nathaniel Tucker completed their slave trading voyage to Jamaica between June 1716 and 22 Dec 1716 without incident. Again, they lost 54 slaves of 367 to the usual disease, or 14.7 percent. Johnson-Mist may have had some familiarity with RAC reports, but still, again: no pirates in this one.

King Solomon, Capt. Edward Coward sailed an expensive and exceptionally horrid slave voyage, arriving 26 July 1716 at Jamaica with only 288 of the original 450, a mortality rate of 36 percent. Thirty-one percent of the complement were also children. This vessel may indeed, have been caught by pirates after delivery, in the months of September or October. There is no other reference to the incident, however.  

John and Martha, Capt. Wilson, appears only in the Boston News-Letter (but apparently “was cast away upon Cuba” in Oct 1716 near where Capt. [Henry?] Jennings took Capt. Stone of Hamilton galley and held him for four days drinking his rum – Wilson’s crew were returned to New York 29 Oct 1716 by Capt. Stone in Hamilton galley – three of Wilson’s men joined Jennings; BNL 5 Nov 1716), which indicates that he was taken by pirates, but this pirate was Henry Jennings and not Martel. 

Ship Dolphin, Capt. Hall was destroyed by a natural disaster that claimed all lives. No pirates were involved. And, it, too appeared in Mist’s newspaper on 17 Dec 1716. Mist may have been a sensationalist – a tabloid-type yellow journalist who relied on Royal African Company workers' dock rumors for his publications.

Furthermore, in A General History, Johnson-Mist regarded “John” Martel as an Englishman - a Jamaican - while two primary sources clearly identify him as a Frenchman: an American newspaper article (see below), to which he has proved time and again abundant access, and a letter titled “Activity of pirates at Saint Domingue,” 21 Jan 1717 [AN Marine B1 29f], today in the Centre des archives d’autre mers in Aix en Provence, France. These records declare Martel operating in November with 135 men (no mention of the number of vessels he had). Also, Anglican Church records show that no Martels were either born, married, or buried on Jamaica until 1789.


Still, Johnson-Mist was haphazard in his use of the records he had – even manipulative at times. Most likely, Johnson-Mist manufactured this data, as he had for Stede Bonnet from Samuel Bellamy’s work off Virginia in April 1717. He might then have appended the information from Gov. Hamilton about Capt. Hume and HMS Scarborough.

Even the “Port of Cavena” mentioned by Johnson-Mist in his Martel narrative as being on Cuba is not a real place. It appears to evolve from “Gran Caverna de Santo Tomás,” a system of caves in the Vinales Valley – it is not, nor has it ever been, a port. A General History is full of lies and should never be used for telling actual history!

Boston News-Letter, Monday November 12, 1716, 2:

Rhode Island, Novemb. 8.  Arrived here Thomas Pemberton from Antigua, Daniel Waire from Connecticut both for Boston, Ford & Whitfield from Boston the first for New York, Col. John Cranston from New London, gives an account that in his Passage from Philadelphia to Jamaica in August last off Portorico, he met about the 21st of September with one Capt. John Martell a French Pyrate of 135 Men, being most of them French, who took his Ship and Cargo, made him and his Company Prisoners, but afterwards was so civil as to make an Exchange in giving him his Pyrate Sloop, and otherwise was very kind to him & his Men. He also gave him a New London Sloop to come home in, one Butels Master, and at his Arrival he return'd her again to the right Owners.

Perhaps Nathaniel Mist didn't get his Boston newspaper in the mail that day... maybe it was taken by pirates on its way across the ocean. Also, I guess Martel DID have an accent after all! ;)


[1] Baylus C. Brooks, Quest for Blackbeard: The True Story of Edward Thache and His World (Lake City: Baylus C. Brooks, 2016), 370; Noël Deerr, History of Sugar, Vol. 1 (Chapman and Hall, 1949), 124-125.
[2] Paul Finkelman, Encyclopedia of African American History, 1619-1895: From the Colonial Period to the Age of Frederick Douglass, Vol. 1 (Oxford University Press, 2006), 125; National Archives (London), HUTCHINSON v FOXCROFT: Ledger of copies of letters from the Royal African company to its outposts in Succondee, Commenda and Dixcove, West Africa, 1716, C 113/261; Gregory E. O'Malley, Final Passages: The Intercolonial Slave Trade of British America, 1619-1807 (Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press, 2014), 100. 









It is previewable on Google Books.


Cindy Vallar on "Quest for Blackbeard" by Baylus C. Brooks:
"While revising our understanding of pirates is one of Brooks’ goals in writing Quest for Blackbeard, he states two others. One pertains to corrupt private colonies and the need for “central government control for any progress to commence once . . . Britain dominated in America.” The second pinpoints an epicenter for the dawning of the Golden Age of Piracy: the July 1715 hurricane that resulted in the catastrophic wreck of eleven of Spain’s treasure ships. The information he puts forth in this narrative masterfully supports these goals."
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